Edited by: Silvia Riva, St Mary’s University, Twickenham, United Kingdom
Reviewed by: Matthew J. Reeves, University of Central Lancashire, United Kingdom; Giuseppe Iurato, Ministry of Education, Universities and Research, Italy
This article was submitted to Performance Science, a section of the journal Frontiers in Psychology
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Contextualized within narrative theory and the field of talent identification and development systems (TIDS), this interview study examined strained junior elite performers’ experiences of becoming elite performers while participating in prestigious national TIDS. The study explored how junior elite performers perceive and negotiate their personal narratives of becoming within a cultural master narrative of being. The focus is on how the quality of person-environment interaction, characterized by narrative alignment or tensions, relates to perceptions of identity, agency, and physical and mental health. We purposefully recruited eight participants (
Talent identification and development systems (TIDS) have, for centuries, been concerned with how to optimize performance potential and balance risks with rewards (
The process of becoming an elite performer is proposed to be situated and complex, with unique individual, situational, and contextual elements in play (
Narrative theory provides new approaches to explore and grasp psychosocial understandings of human lives and phenomena, such as talent development (
Talent identification and development systems may offer social conditions and values that create unique cultures of “eliteness” (
Traditionally, excellence has been conceptualized in terms of normative performance outcomes, typically medals and world records in sports, and being a top international soloist performer within the performing arts (
However, in the wake of critical views on “the performance narrative” (
Narrative theory postulates that mental well-being “requires a degree of
Therefore, the current study set out to explore how strained elite junior performers within TIDS in sports and performing arts perceive and negotiate their personal narratives of becoming within a cultural master narrative of being elite performers. The following research questions guided our work: (a) How do junior elite performers perceive and experience the performance narrative within their TIDS; (b) How do junior elite performers negotiate their personal narrative of becoming elite performers within a cultural master narrative of being; and (c) How does the quality of PE fit, characterized by narrative alignment or tensions, relate to junior elite performers’ perceptions of identity, agency, and physical and mental health.
The present study is positioned within the social constructivism paradigm (
We purposefully recruited eight participants (
The study was carried out after securing ethical approval from the state-run Norwegian Center for Research Data (Ref: 55635 EPA). Access was gained through dialog with the sports federations and TIDS leaders. The first author, who had extensive lived experience with TIDS in dance (i.e., as a youth performer, teacher, and teacher educator), contacted and recruited participants directly through email and a phone. The participants received oral and written information about the study and its procedures, ethical concerns, and anonymity.
The first author conducted the face-to-face interviews in suitable locations of the participants’ choosing. As the interviews were comprehensive and long-lasting, they were divided into two parts, but some of the questions were repeated in both interviews to connect the interviews together. The data collection strategy was partly due to difficulties in accessing the elite junior performers, because of busy training and competition time scheduling and long travel distance. Also, in addition to this interview study, a longitudinal and more comprehensive quantitative study was conducted at the same time. As the quantitative study did comprise several of the same issues and topics, the two studies informed each other, and the first author traveled to meet with the junior elite performers and their talent development programs several times during the data collection year, enhancing indirectly the data. The interviews were audio recorded (ranging from 66 to 154 min each) and transcribed. We used NVivo 11 to facilitate the first part of the analysis process (i.e., coding and thematic analysis).
We used semi-structured interviews that were thematically structured and inspired by the research questions. The interview guide focused on four main perspectives: (a) perception of identity (personality, ability, talent, dedication, goals and ambitions, and motivation); (b) perception of the elite performance context (learning environment, coaching/teaching style, and interrelations in the TIDS); (c) perception of becoming (linking past, present, and future, the performance development curve, important events, incidents, and turning points); and (d) perception of well-being (i.e., self-worth, emotional states, vitality/exhaustion, performance anxiety, injuries, and life satisfaction). In line with the narrative approach, the participants were asked broad and open-ended questions within each topic, providing a fair degree of freedom of what to talk about and how to present their narratives (
We first familiarized ourselves with the data through observing, reflecting, and intuitively experiencing the data (
The process of data analysis.
Next, we developed within-case stories by focusing on the performers’ ways of negotiating the complexity of becoming elite performers within a domain-specific performance culture. We focused on narrative tensions and alignment (i.e., the role of PE fit). Assisting this analysis process, we adopted the role as a “storyteller” (
After this process, we were left with a set of complex and personal interview accounts and stories of becoming, engaged in the tricky question of how to present this richness fairly, while maintaining the participants’ anonymity. As Norway is a country of few inhabitants, TIDS comprise small groups and transparent cultures, making anonymity, especially challenging to maintain. We then decided to use composite narratives to present the findings, illustrating the different types of narrative negotiation of becoming an elite performer identified across the different stories (
Acknowledging recent discussions regarding rigor and quality in qualitative and narrative research (
To enhance trustworthiness, we used the concept of coherence, which focuses on the justification of proposed knowledge claims in qualitative research (
Reflexivity is a research tool that addresses the researcher’s role as an active component in the research process (
We present the results in two parts. We start by presenting the junior elite performers’ general perceptions of the culturally dominant performance narrative in the TIDS. Next, we present the three different composite narratives of negotiation within the overarching master narrative: “Striving to stay at the top of the game” – obsessive and externally driven alignment, “Just hanging in there” – tensions, and “When the going gets tough” – disruptions from alignment (see
Overview of the three composite narratives.
Identity perceptions | Negotiation, PE-fit | Thriving |
---|---|---|
← Past → | ← Present → | ← future → |
“I have what it takes” |
“I am very good at dedicating myself continuously to hard work.” |
“I like the feeling of progression, of mastery, and success.” |
“The characteristics that I hold are atypical of an elite performer.” |
“I feel like I have developed against the odds.” |
“Even though the activity drains my energy, it allows me to express myself.” |
“I strive to become that successful performer.” |
“My development curve has been going upward all the time, until I got injured.” |
“It is mentally tough.” |
The performers are proud and honored to be part of the TIDS. They feel special, talented, and selected, and it boosts their self-confidence: “I found it so cool to be an elite athlete… It makes me feel good. I can prove myself, and I gain self-esteem” (5 s). It is also thrilling to be with other peers who are talented and share the same goals and interests: “It is a very thriving environment. Everybody is interested and dedicated, and we are good friends; it nurtures the feelings of joy and motivation (2a).” As the TIDS consists of small and exclusive groups (
The performers tell stories about exclusive and highly professionalized “talent factories,” with a history of producing and showing off excellent performers. The young performers are fully aware of and share the aim of performance excellence, and they know what is at stake: “It is a pressure to perform well… then you got a good reputation, and you get selected for performances and get access to more opportunities (2a).” Reaching goals and accomplishments seem to be more important than the process of becoming: “It is always the time and the result that count, not what you have developed (6 s).” To be among the best, the top group is the most important currency. It may be exchanged with social status among peers: “It is all about respect in my sport culture. The better you are in your activity and more perfect you perform, the more respect you get (8 s),” teachers: “the teachers really like having a good ‘star’ student” (2a), or coaches: “I think it gives the club and the coach status to have a successful athlete” (6 s). Thus, being good means being popular at the activity: “It is very competitive… If you do not perform well, it could be difficult to be socially accepted and included in the social group (2a).”
The TIDS are well-driven and structured talent development programs. The young performers are often told what to do, how to behave, and how to prioritize: “It is a very system-driven activity. It is planned down to the tiniest detail, and extreme coach-led activity… It is a very hierarchical system… It is the coach that makes the decisions (6 s).” The young performers themselves support this system and find it natural: “Of course it has to be this way… That is why we have teachers so that they can teach us what they already know and show you how to become a professional performer (2a).” The performers also admire and respect the teachers and coaches as authority figures: “My teacher is older and more experienced in the field. Naturally, I respect and listen to her to a greater extent than vice versa (1a).” Hence, asymmetric power distribution is naturally the case: “The teachers have a lot of power. They, basically, can say and get the students to do whatever they want. However, they do not always exploit their position (3a).” Knowing that they might misuse their power, the performers find it best to avoid possible provocations: “We have to adjust to the teachers’ mood, taste, and comfort (3a).” They also have had previous experiences with controlling teachers or coaches: “I know that she puts up a facade to affect me psychologically, to get me to work harder, or to perform better” (4a). As such, to do as told and expected is seemingly the best way to keep the coach satisfied: (my coach is pleased) “when I listen to him… Also, if I do not cause any trouble or oppose but, instead, do as told and follow instructions, or if I reach one of his goals (5 s).”
S(he) is a typical early identified talent that is accustomed to leaning on natural talent and being successful without expending that much effort: “I had a good start. I had a natural talent and was way beyond my age group (2a).” (S)he expresses much self-confidence: “I think that I am going to make it because I have what it takes. I am not an average person” (1a) and seems mostly to enjoy the process of becoming an elite performer. (S)he fosters motivational drive from success, approval, and social status: “I want to become a star and would like people to think of me with honor and respect” (1a). The relationship with the teacher/coach is personally fulfilling: “My teacher is focused on my development and personally interested in my well-being” (1a), and trusting: “I feel I have a good relationship with my coach; we can talk about everything (8 s).” (S)he has been active for many years and experienced a lot of mastery and success on the way to the top: “My performance curve has been positively steep. I have developed faster than normal and made development leaps (8 s).” Hence, (s)he mainly supports the TIDS’ culture, which seems to correspond well with his/her high ambitions and goals. It has been almost too easy: “I feel that it has been mostly an easy and positive journey (2a),” and (s)he has not yet faced severe adversity or stagnation: “I have never really experienced failure” (1a). Thus, (s)he is really at the top of the game, succeeding and with high social status within a “talent factory,” aiming for the top: “The activity plays an important role in my life. I spend a lot of time on the activity, and I like to practice it. I have close friends, and I feel that it positively affects my quality of life (8 s).”
Beneath the ambitious and successful facade, (s)he appears to face some challenges while striving to maintain his/her top position. (S)he struggles with high expectations and pressure to perform well, to progress all the time: “I started to practice and work really hard because my teacher threatened to quit if I did not live up to his expectations (2a).” This seems to nurture some innate perfectionistic tendencies: “I need to feel in control of my performances… I practice repeatedly until I reach a feeling of perfection and control” (1a) and external motivation, conditional on whether success, or failure is realized: “Motivation is hard to control: If I perform well, I get motivated… If I fail, then I get upset and disappointed, then I lose motivation (8 s).” In turn, the constant strive to maintain the top position nurtures a kind of obsessiveness: “I get stressed out and get into obsessive periods when I fall behind” (2a) and emotional distress when mistakes are made: “[When I make mistakes], I get emotionally dark, it feels heavy, and I get angry and disappointed in myself (8 s).” In sum, (s)he, constantly, must work hard and remain dedicated: “My perfectionism has made me very self-disciplined. I am very good at dedicating myself continuously to hard work, to keep up with the routine… make the best out of each opportunity (1a).” However, all the hard work and dedication feel exhaustive and, sometimes, too narrow-minded: “I get drained of energy and must down-prioritize other things (2a).” Hence, (s)he is on the edge of being demotivated, questioning if it is worthwhile: “I have doubts about my activity… Sometimes, I question whether I really want to become an elite performer (2a).”
(S)he feels ambivalent about the activity: “Even though there are a lot of positive experiences, I feel very exhausted from all the hard work (1a).” Yet, (s)he mostly finds the hard work satisfying and worthwhile: “I like the feeling of progression, of mastery, and of success, both the small and the great accomplishments… and I feel that I have developed self-control, dedication, and endurance (2a).” It is like a state of flow, of being deeply dedicated and involved in the learning process: “My activity has added more color and motivation to my life; I experience this as a more meaningful life (1a).” However, holding such a top position comes with a price. (S)he constantly fears failure: “I get very anxious during a competition… I feel sick and numb, then becomes stressed that the anxiety might disrupt my performance (8 s).” (S)he also fears losing the advantageous social position that (s)he has achieved: “I experience performance anxiety each time I have to perform… It is embarrassing to fail… especially when playing in front of peers because it might affect my social status and opportunities (2a).” When faced with pressure, (s)he uses different kinds of coping strategies, such as positive self-talk: “I try to think that I am in control and that this is something I have practiced a lot, I am brilliant, and I can easily nail this” (1a). However, previously, when (s)he was younger, (s)she did not know how to deal with the pressurized situation: “For a long time, I avoided competitions completely; now, I try to distance myself from the emotions and focus on body awareness and breathing (2a).” (S)he does also try to learn from his/her mistakes: “First, I get irritated and frustrated, but, soon, I just go and work on it… find out how I can solve the problems and improve myself (1a).” It helps a lot that (s)he receives support from others, such as the teachers/coaches, family, and peers: “I get, instantly, often balanced and engaging feedback… This is, indeed, the way I progress (1a).” Altogether, (s)he balances on a knife’s edge between peaking and crashing, loving and hating the activity at the same time: “The activity has given me an extra dimension in life; it makes my life richer (1a)”; “Sometimes, when I am in a straining period and receive bad results, I experience a lot of negative emotions and might even start to reconsider my future career for a while (8 s).”
(S)he is a performer who operates in the shadows of typical “star students”: “I do not have the greatest potential. I feel like I have developed against the odds (3a).” (S)he says that (s)he deviates from the norm and identity of an elite performer: “The characteristics that I hold are atypical of an elite performer: I am easily bored, I am not structured, I do not like to self-practice, and I find that practicing the activity is boring and uninteresting (4a).” (S)he is just hanging in there, lacking a clear purpose, inner drive, and enjoyment. (S)he participates because her parents expect it: “I perform because I come from an artistic family… If I could choose again, I would probably have chosen something else (4a).” (S)he feels that (s)he rarely lives up to the expected standards: “I seldom appreciate my achievements (3a),” and never get that good feeling: “No matter what I accomplish, I never feel satisfied (3a).” The training has become more of a daily routine, a natural part of life: “My parents placed me into a studio, and, after a while, I started to appreciate it – it was fun. Then I just have continued. Now, it is a huge part of my life (3a),” (S)he does not have a “plan B” and has not prioritized an academic identity to lean on: “Even though I have been really demotivated in some periods, I fancy no other alternatives (3a).”
The development process feels a bit hard, working often against the odds and facing different challenges. Thus, (s)he struggles to find the inner drive and a stable motivation: “My motivation is very unstable: Suddenly, I get inspired and work well. The next day, my motivation is completely lacking. Generally, I struggle to work hard over long periods (4a).” (S)he has experienced many bumps and detours on the road to success over the years: “It has been different periods with ups and downs (4a),” and it has been hard: “It has been lots of flounders… Overall, I feel that I have developed against the odds (3a).”
Another issue is that (s)he seldom has a general feeling of mastery and success; instead, the most prominent feeling is that of failure and concern: “I seldom experience feelings of mastery. There is always something that is not perfect to improve, and, if only a tiny thing goes wrong, I often feel that everything falls apart (3a).” Hence, (s)he is often faced with stress and fear related to performances: “I get very nervous when I am about to perform… The anxiety transfers to my body. I get tense and stiff in my upper body, and it negatively affects my performances (3a).” A problem is that, when (s)he is faced with these challenging performance situations, (s)he does not really know how to handle the stress and fear. (S)he finds it a bit difficult that his/her main teacher/coach is not very helpful and does not seem to care about the troublesome stuff and only appreciates his/her success. Yet, (s)he thinks that (s)he is the one to blame: “If I do not do what is expected of me and work hard, I do not deserve such a brilliant teacher, or positive attention and approval (4a).” However, (s)he hopes that it nurtures development in the end: “If the teacher praises you all the time, you will never improve yourself or grow (4a).” Hence, (s)he often focuses on avoiding stressful situations: “I try to avoid making mistakes and not look like an idiot (4a).” Over the years, when facing performance situations, (s)he has developed a way of thinking and behaving where (s)he leaves the body behind, distancing from the fearful body: “I think my brain disconnects, and I think, ‘What if I just erase this situation and ‘sleep’ it through,’ so that you do not make mistakes and look like a complete idiot (4a).”
Despite challenges and setbacks, (s)he feels that the performance curve has been positive in the long run: “I started at the bottom and have worked myself upward (3a).” (S)he admits that (s)he could have worked harder and that (s)he has spoiled some opportunities: “I have not really made that much of an effort over the years (4a).” However, (s)he, recently, has started to take the activity a bit more seriously, heading for a professional career: “The last 2 years, I have shifted my focus and improved the quality of my practice, even though I must admit that I do not invest that much in quantity (4a).”
(S)he often feels burned out and drained: “I feel exhausted all the time. Often, when I am exhausted, I feel numb. I do not have the energy to do anything outside the activity (3a).” (S)he has also faced some injuries on the way, and a new injury is a thing (s)he fears the most: “When faced with an injury, you get a huge setback, and it is so hard to get back on track, and you feel so terrible and blue… I fear injuries and I, sometimes, worry about becoming reinjured (3a).”
Despite challenges and negative aspects, (s)he notes many positive elements that somewhat balance the negative. For instance, the fulfilling sensation of mastering difficult skills and being involved in artistic processes: “When I perform, not at auditions or competitions, but in a show in front of an ordinary audience, then I feel happy. I can feel afterward that I am cheerful inside (3a).” Also, being involved in creative processes is something (s)he finds meaningful and worthwhile: “Even though the activity drains my energy, it also allows me to express myself and my ideas… new and creative ways of expressing interesting ideas through the art add energy (4a).”
(S)he is ambitious and self-confident. (S)he has always been among the best since childhood and has a leading position in the activity group: “My self-esteem is very good. When I was younger, I was probably perceived as being cocky. I was not cocky as a person, but I had very good results (6 s).” Today, (s)he works hard and makes choices according to what (s)he knows is expected of an elite performer: “It is part of who I am; it has always been. It defines who I am, what I can do, and how I prioritize things (6 s).” Even though it is difficult, (s)he appreciates this way of living and the status that follows: “I feel more important when I perform well; others do not appreciate me in the same way when I perform poorly; hence, I strive to become the successful performer, and I believe I have what it takes (6 s).” Motivation is not an issue. (S)he has always been and still is highly motivated: “I love doing the activity; it has always been my thing… I get a magic feeling (6 s).” However, (s)he is somewhat addicted to the identity and status that follows: “I feel more important when I perform well (5 s).” Thus, (s)he sometimes feels pressured to practice and keep up the success, and fears losing the leading position: “I feel that others do not appreciate me when I fail. The better I perform, the more I am appreciated by others (6 s).” (S)he has been in a competitive environment for years. (S)he likes it this way; it matches the way (s)he focuses on the development and helps in reaching his/her ambitious goals: “I focus on reaching good results, beating personal records, and defeating new competitors (7 s).”
Competence is what matters in the training milieu; hence, the success (s)he has experienced has been profitable: “Last season, when I performed very well, the coaches were on me all the time with attention and interest (7 s).” Lately, things have changed, and (s)he is not sure of his/her own position or outlook anymore: “This season, when I have been sick and not able to produce good results, the coaches are indifferent. The training is all up to me, and, sometimes, I must, instead, coach younger performers (7 s).” Looking back on the good old days of thriving and being at the top of the game for years, (s)he could never have imagined how things could be: “My development curve has been going upward all the time, until I got injured. I have been through a tough year. I got injured, got chronically ill, was exhausted, and performed poorly (6 s).” These days, things are really hard, and (s)he feels that (s)he is trapped in a bad cycle, like dominoes about to fall: “After the injury, I fell into a bad cycle of being injured, sick, and demotivated (6 s).”
Even though (s)he appreciates the TIDS, (s)he finds it a bit controlling and limiting. The coaches do not always listen to what (s)he, as a performer, really needs: “The system is trumping the individual’s needs (7 s).” When (s)he is now experiencing difficulties, (s)he wishes that the coaches could have been more caring and sympathetic: “I wish that the relationship was more personal and not so distant (6 s).” This makes it difficult to be really honest and share inner worries, fears, and negative thoughts that (s)he is experiencing during these tough times: “The relationship with my coach is not working. It is difficult to communicate, it is not very close, and I feel that it is difficult to state my own opinions and feelings (7 s).” Instead, (s)he remembers a former coach who coached him/her some years ago: “My coach was tuned into me… He invested in the relationship and did not yell at my mistakes but, instead, asked questions (5 s).” These days, (s)he needs such a coach: “He was like a friend. I could talk to him about anything, and we often laughed together” (5 s). Fortunately, (s)he has a family that offers support and care: “My family knows nothing about the details of my activity, and they do not pressure me at all. They only provide me with support, praise, and positive feedback. I feel that I have a safe haven at home (5 s).”
Being a junior elite performer these days is different from when (s)he held a top position, and (s)he sometimes feels a bit ambivalent about the activity and has started to doubt whether this is the right path for him/her: “It is mentally tough (6 s).” (S)he thinks that this period of adversity and stagnation has been quite challenging: “I get disappointed if I do not live up to the high expectations, and then I think: “This is not me.”… I get disappointed and frustrated… I feel ashamed and embarrassed (5 s).” The situation sometimes seems impossible to overcome, and then (s)he loses motivation and focus: “I get indifferent when I am injured and feel that I am faced with a challenge that is impossible for me to overcome (5 s).” (S)he feels mentally fragile as well: “I get mentally weak, and my body feels numb and heavy (5 s).” However, quitting is not an option: “The activity is an important part of me. I could not just quit. It would be as drastic as moving to Africa and leaving my family behind (7 s).” Thinking of the good old days and all that (s)he has accomplished is helping to mentally turn around toward a positive way of thinking: “I have what it takes to succeed. I have the technical and tactical understanding and, maybe, a top performer if I am willing… and I am mentally strong. I seldom give in (5 s).” (S)he also knows that (s)he is good at handling things and has many strategies at hand: “I have routines for eating, sleeping, and training, and I work a lot on trying to stay positive and happy, to not be mentally dragged down (5 s).” (S)he just must focus on the positive things because there are still many positive experiences: “I still have happy days. They are important, as they make me feel good, strong, and alert (5 s).” (S)he also enjoys writing in a diary: “I use a reflective log as a tool. I write a lot to clear my mind, especially before sleeping (5 s).” Today, (s)he feels a lot more optimistic. The long period of absence from the activity has been helpful, as (s)he was able to distance himself/herself from it all and examine the activity from another perspective; (s)he is now in the process of reset: “I came back and just competed for fun. I suddenly performed outstandingly and set new records in all the competitions. I rediscovered the good feeling of flow (6 s).” Indeed, (s)he is still feeling grateful, hopeful, and self-confident, believing that (s)he, 1 day, will make it.
The present study’s purpose was to explore narrative tensions in strained junior elite performers’ experiences of becoming elite performers. In line with the outlined research questions, we start by reflecting on the performers’ perceptions of the dominant narrative within their TIDS. Next, we focus on the PE fit and how the junior elite performers negotiated their personal narratives of becoming elite performers within their TIDS culture. Lastly, we reflect on how narrative alignment or tensions relate to junior elite performers’ perceptions of identity, agency, and physical and mental health.
The findings identified performance-focused and professionalized TIDS, hence documenting the “performance narrative” as being most dominant in these elite cultures (
Junior elite performers are in the late process of identity development, and, hence, they have relied and still rely on the socialized narratives that circulate within their performance culture to direct their interpretations (
The three composite narratives demonstrated different ways of relating to the dominant “performance narrative” in the TIDS and, hence, different examples of PE fit (
The second composite narrative, “Just Hanging in There,” represented narrative tensions and a PE-misfit (
The last composite narrative, “When the Going Gets Tough,” demonstrated disruption of narrative alignment. From being at the top of the game and successfully living out the storyline of the “performance narrative,” they experienced an identity crisis during a period of injury or sickness. Scholars have suggested that reliance on a single dominant narrative might be difficult when performers experience no longer fitting the master narrative (
Despite the different PE fit, the strained participants who operated within the “performance narrative” seemed to experience increased risk. The performers in the “Striving to Stay at the Top of the Game” composite narrative did seemingly experience narrative alignment and reported many positive experiences of thriving. However, as their identity, motivation, positive emotions, and social status were contingent on sustained success, there was evidence of risk behavior. This was played out as perfectionistic tendencies, overtraining, overload, and performance anxiety, which, as such, placed them in a storyline that balanced on a knife edge between peaking and crashing (
The “Just Hanging in There” composite narrative represented a different storyline, revealing more clearly narrative tensions. These junior elite performers faced a lot of trials and many negative consequences, such as identity confusion, meaninglessness, lack of motivation, lack of coping strategies, performance anxiety, and signs of burnout. As the performance identity was so strong and narrow, alongside a lack of agency and inner drive, these performers viewed quitting as not an option and continuously pushed themselves into this seemingly nonoptimal and unhealthy situation. This is, indeed, at odds with the “holistic narrative” that postulates that, to perform well, you need to be well (
From an applied perspective, it is important to be aware of the pressurized and exposed situations that strained and vulnerable junior elite performers in TIDS might face. Additionally, it seems crucial that coaches and teachers from TIDS become cognizant of the learning conditions they create and the likely consequences (i.e., PE fit and agency).
Qualitative data richness and a contextualized narrative approach are strengths in this study, contributing to the “small story” research genre in the case of TIDS. Our study showed the ongoing, interactive negotiation of identity narratives, offering an
The present study examined narrative tensions in strained junior elite performers’ experiences of becoming elite performers within the context of TIDS. Indeed, the findings supported results from previous research that emphasized the complex, situated, and dynamic nature of talent development. The findings identified that the “performance narrative” was most dominant in the TIDS, pressurizing the junior elite performers into a predetermined plot of becoming and challenging their identity, agency, and physical and mental health. Our findings demonstrated that the “performance narrative” entailed unhealthy and inhumane aspects, beyond the presence of narrative alignment and PE fit. However, experiences of narrative tensions and a PE misfit seemed to intensify the risks and costs associated with TIDS participation in the strained junior elite performers. Potential alternative narratives and side stories that have the potential to advance the understanding of becoming were also identified, although not fully acknowledged by the TIDS. Hence, in the future, TIDS should adopt a more holistic and flexible approach to constituting and developing elite performers.
The datasets presented in this article are not publicly available because the participants have been assured full anonymity, and hence, the data will not be passed on to a third party. Requests to access the datasets should be directed to the corresponding author (
The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by Norwegian Center of Research Data (NSD). The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.
HMH, FA, and HH conceived the presented idea. HMH, FA, and BS developed the theory. HMH performed the data collections and analysis. FA, BS, and HH peer debriefed and verified the analytical methods and results. HMH, FA, BS, and HH discussed the results and contributed to the final writing of the manuscript. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
We would like to acknowledge the TIDS for collaboration and the participants for sharing and interest in our research.