Beyond awareness: navigating the attitude-behavior gap in climate action among urban Egyptian youth

Abstract

Urban youth in the Global South are critical for climate action, yet barriers to their engagement remain poorly understood. This mixed-methods study of 155 Cairo University students reveals a critical paradox: while a majority demonstrates high climate awareness (50.3% identify human causes; 84.5% deem it a serious threat), this concern fails to translate into action. Our analysis identifies the primary driver of this attitude-behavior gap as a profound crisis of institutional trust. Only 15.4% believe the government is doing enough. This skepticism, compounded by psychological and informational barriers, cripples the perceived efficacy of action. We conclude that in contexts of low trust, strategies must pivot from raising awareness to building collective efficacy through transparent governance and localized communication that empowers youth as agents of change.

1 Introduction

1.1 Background

Climate change presents a global existential threat, with urban populations in developing nations facing acute risks. A central challenge in mobilizing an effective response is the persistent attitude-behavior gap, where public awareness of and concern for climate change do not translate into meaningful action. This disconnect is particularly critical in Egypt, a nation highly vulnerable to climate impacts such as water scarcity and sea-level rise, which threaten its economic stability and resource security, especially in densely populated urban centers. (Abdelkader et al., 2018; Elshemy et al., 2021; Hamza et al., 2021; Soliman and Shalaby, 2019).

Building on foundational work that has highlighted the potential of higher education institutions like Cairo University to foster climate awareness (Ead, 2014a; Ead et al., 2022b), and the specific role of education in climate communication (Ead, 2014b; Ead and Fahmy, 2022; Ead et al., 2022a) a crucial question remains: why does increased knowledge not consistently lead to proactive engagement? While educational initiatives are vital, many environmental problems in Egypt, from resource mismanagement to pollution, persist despite growing awareness, suggesting deeper barriers are at play. Understanding the factors that inhibit the translation of awareness into action is paramount for developing impactful climate policies and communication strategies.

This study contributes to filling this gap by investigating not only the levels of awareness but, crucially, the multi-faceted barriers—psychological, informational, and social—that inhibit proactive climate engagement among university students in Cairo, a key urban center in the MENA region. By focusing on the drivers of the attitude-behavior gap, this research moves beyond simply measuring knowledge to explain the complex factors shaping climate inaction, offering vital insights that empower Egypt’s youth to build a resilient future.

1.2 Objectives

This study aims to bridge the critical gap in understanding the barriers that prevent climate awareness from translating into action among a key demographic in the Global South: urban Egyptian youth. To this end, it pursues three primary objectives: First, to assess the current state of knowledge, perceptions, and engagement levels regarding climate change among students at Cairo University. Second, to identify and elucidate the complex psychological, informational, and social barriers that inhibit their participation in climate mitigation and adaptation behaviors. Finally, the study evaluates potential communication and educational strategies that could effectively enhance awareness and, more importantly, foster proactive engagement and collective action. By moving beyond simply measuring awareness to diagnosing the roots of inaction, this research seeks to provide actionable insights for policymakers and educators.

1.3 Research questions

2 Literature review and theoretical framework

A well-documented challenge in climate change communication is the persistent attitude-behavior gap, wherein high levels of public awareness and concern fail to reliably translate into pro-environmental action (Kollmuss and Agyeman, 2002). While global awareness is increasing (Hornsey et al., 2016), the drivers of this gap are highly context-specific. Explanations from Global North contexts, such as psychological distancing or ideological polarization (Whitmarsh, 2011; McCright and Dunlap, 2011), may be insufficient in the Global South. In Egypt, socio-political factors such as economic pressures, high youth unemployment, and fluctuating trust in institutions likely play a more dominant role, yet these remain underexplored in the literature (Hassan et al., 2019; Radwan and Saleh, 2017).

Emerging research within Egypt underscores the complexity of this challenge. Recent studies confirm a baseline of climate awareness among Egyptian youth; for instance, a survey of the general population in Ismailia governorate, published in a 2024 study in the Journal of the Egyptian Public Health Association Reports, found that over 60% were knowledgeable about climate change, with a majority (54%) correctly identifying human activity (specifically, increased heat-trapping gases from human activities) as the primary cause (Ghazy and Fathy, 2023). Additional studies on university students have shown even higher rates of awareness. A separate 2023 study found that 88.3% of university students were aware of climate change, and 84% attributed it to human activities. Another 2025 study on university students showed a high overall awareness of 86% (Hussein and Ibrahim, 2024). While these studies effectively document awareness levels, they less frequently probe the deeper psychological and institutional barriers that prevent this knowledge from crystallising into tangible action. Our research directly addresses this gap by moving beyond measuring knowledge to diagnosing the critical ‘efficacy deficit’ that underlies the attitude-behavior gap.

To dissect these dynamics in an urban Egyptian setting, this study constructs a conceptual model integrating Protection Motivation Theory (PMT) and Social Cognitive Theory (SCT). PMT provides a framework for understanding the individual cognitive appraisal of climate threats, which is a function of both threat appraisal (perceived severity and vulnerability) and coping appraisal (perceived response efficacy and self-efficacy) (Rogers, 1975). However, PMT’s individualistic focus is augmented by SCT, which emphasizes the triadic reciprocity between personal factors, environmental influences, and behavior (Bandura, 1986). Crucially, SCT allows us to expand the concept of efficacy to include perceived institutional efficacy—the confidence the public has in the government’s capability and commitment to addressing the crisis. This dimension is particularly salient in the Egyptian context.

Based on this integrated framework, we posit several testable hypotheses. We hypothesize that high threat appraisal will be positively associated with the belief that addressing climate change is a societal imperative (H1). Furthermore, we propose that low perceived institutional efficacy will be the strongest negative predictor of behavioral engagement (H2), and that the attitude-behavior gap will be significantly mediated by both low response efficacy and low self-efficacy (H3). Finally, we hypothesize that informational barriers will be negatively correlated with individual self-efficacy (H4).

Recent global research has increasingly emphasised the central role of institutional trust in shaping climate engagement, particularly among youth populations in developing contexts (e.g., Bergquist et al., 2023). These studies demonstrate that perceived governmental competence and transparency significantly influence both individual and collective climate behaviors, reinforcing the relevance of integrating institutional efficacy into behavioral models. The present study extends this emerging line of inquiry to the Egyptian and MENA context, where empirical investigations remain limited (Salman and Aboukoura, 2022).

The role of framing in climate communication is also critical. As Chong and Druckman (2007) argue, how an issue is presented can significantly affect public perception and motivation. Similarly, Spence and Pidgeon (2010) demonstrate that psychological distance (temporal, spatial, and social) moderates the effectiveness of climate messages. In the Egyptian context, framing climate change as a local, immediate, and personally relevant threat may help overcome the attitude-behavior gap. Moreover, Moser (2010) and Oreskes and Conway (2010) have highlighted the importance of combating misinformation and building public trust in scientific institutions—a challenge that resonates strongly with our findings on institutional skepticism. Finally, Lewandowsky et al. (2013) show that motivated rejection of science can be fueled by conspiracy theories and distrust, which may partially explain why a minority of students still attribute climate change to natural cycles.

3 Methodology

3.1 Study design and rationale for mixed methods

This study employed a sequential explanatory mixed-methods design (Creswell and Plano Clark, 2018). The rationale for this approach was to first identify and measure the broad patterns of awareness, perceptions, and the attitude-behavior gap among students (quantitative phase), and then to contextualize and explain the statistical results by exploring the underlying reasons, experiences, and social dynamics behind those patterns (qualitative phase). The two phases were integrated at the stage of interpretation, with qualitative data providing depth and mechanism to the quantitative findings.

3.2 Participants and sampling strategy

3.3 Data collection

3.4 Data analysis and integration

3.4.1 Quantitative analysis

Data were analyzed using SPSS v.26. Descriptive statistics (frequencies, percentages) summarized the sample and response distributions. All Likert-scale items (Q9, Q10, Q12, Q15, Q16, Q18) were coded as continuous variables from 1 to 5, with 1 representing the lowest level of agreement, likelihood, or importance (e.g., ‘Very unlikely’ or ‘Strongly disagree’) and 5 representing the highest (e.g., ‘Very likely’ or ‘Strongly agree’). For Q10 specifically, the scale anchors were provided as ‘1 (Least confident)’ through ‘5 (Most confident)’. For hypothesis testing, Q15 (government action) was reverse-coded so that higher scores indicated higher perceived institutional efficacy. For H4, Q18 (interest in learning) was reverse-coded as a proxy for lower informational barriers, such that higher scores on the transformed variable indicated greater barriers. All other items were analyzed in their original coding orientation. Inferential analysis (Pearson’s correlation) was used to test the hypothesized relationships (H1-H4) between key constructs (e.g., threat appraisal and concern; institutional efficacy and behavioral intention).

3.4.2 Qualitative analysis

Interview transcripts were analyzed using inductive thematic analysis following the six-phase approach of Braun and Clarke (2006). Coding was managed using NVivo 12 software. Initial codes were grouped into emergent themes (e.g., “fatalism and helplessness,” “lack of localized knowledge,” “institutional distrust”).

3.4.3 Integration

Findings were integrated during the interpretation and discussion phases. The quantitative results identified what the patterns were (e.g., low institutional trust, high concern). The qualitative analysis then explained why these patterns existed and how they manifested in the students’ reasoning (e.g., how distrust extinguishes motivation). This is explicitly presented in Section 5.4 (Synthesis) and Section 6 (Discussion).

3.5 Ethical approval

This study was conducted in accordance with the ethical guidelines for research involving human participants. The research protocol and data collection instruments (survey and interview guides) were reviewed and approved for ethical compliance by the Office of the Vice President for Graduate Studies and Research, Cairo University. Official approval was granted under reference via official correspondence and is available upon request. Informed consent was obtained from all participants. For the anonymous survey, consent was implied by voluntary completion after reading a participant information sheet. For the interviews, verbal informed consent was obtained prior to recording; this method was deemed appropriate for this minimal-risk study.

4 Results

This section presents the key findings from the survey of 155 Cairo University students, structured around the core themes of awareness, risk perception, efficacy, and engagement. The data reveal a complex landscape of high concern tempered by significant barriers to action.

4.1 Sample demographics

The demographic characteristics of the sample (N = 155) are presented in Table 1. The cohort was predominantly young, with 57.4% aged 18–25 and a further 24.5% aged 26–35, effectively capturing the “youth” and “young adult” demographic central to this study. The sample skewed female (67.7%), which is a common feature of social science surveys but should be considered when generalizing findings. Education levels were high, with 73.6% of respondents holding a bachelor’s degree or higher, confirming this as a sample of university-affiliated individuals. Accordingly, the largest occupational group was students (54.8%). Income levels were clustered in the lower to middle brackets, with 69.0% reporting a monthly income of EGP 10,000 or less, reflecting the typical economic reality of students and early-career professionals in Egypt.

This demographic profile is significant as it represents a key segment for climate engagement: urban, educated youth who are likely to be both impacted by long-term climate policy and influential in shaping public discourse. However, the high education level and university affiliation mean the findings likely represent an upper bound of climate awareness and engagement within the broader Egyptian youth population.

4.2 Climate change awareness and knowledge

Students demonstrated a strong foundational awareness of climate change. A majority (50.3%) correctly defined it as a problem caused by human activities, while a further 21.9% understood it as a long-term change in Earth’s temperature (Q6). This suggests that basic climate science messaging has been successfully communicated to this demographic. When asked about specific causes, deforestation (40.6%) and burning fossil fuels (31.6%) were correctly identified as the most significant contributors (Q7). However, a combined 27.2% of respondents attributed climate change to natural cycles, overpopulation, or other causes, indicating persistent misconceptions among a notable minority.

4.3 Perception of risk, institutional efficacy, and behavioral engagement

This section presents the quantitative findings related to threat appraisal, coping appraisal, and behavioral indicators, directly corresponding to the constructs of the Protection Motivation Theory (PMT) and Social Cognitive Theory (SCT) framework.

4.3.1 High threat appraisal and personal vulnerability

Respondents perceived climate change as a serious and imminent threat. An overwhelming 84.5% believed addressing it was “very” or “extremely important” (Q12), indicating high perceived severity. A significant majority (58.1%) also felt it was “likely” or “very likely” to affect their lives within the next decade (Q9), demonstrating a personal sense of vulnerability. This sense of urgency was directed towards immediate, tangible impacts: when asked to identify the most concerning impacts for Egypt, students ranked extreme heat (31.0%) and public health risks (31.0%) highest (Q14). The comparatively lower selection of critical systemic threats like water scarcity (15.5%) and agricultural impacts (12.9%) in Q8 suggests that concern may be more strongly tied to direct, visceral experiences than to comprehensive understanding of national climate vulnerabilities.

4.3.2 The crisis of institutional and collective efficacy

While a near-unanimous 93.5% agreed that solutions require both individual and collective action (Q13), a profound deficit in response efficacy—specifically, trust in institutional action—was evident. Only 15.4% of students agreed that the government is doing enough to address climate change, with a combined 47.1% actively disagreeing (Q15). This stark lack of confidence in the primary agent of collective response underscores a crisis of perceived institutional efficacy. This finding is contextualised by comparative data from Lahore, Pakistan, where 49.1% of university students reported awareness of their government’s climate policies, highlighting a contrasting landscape of institutional visibility, if not necessarily trust.

4.3.3 The attitude-behavior gap in engagement and information seeking

Despite high threat appraisal and stated interest, a clear attitude-behavior gap was observed in everyday engagement. Climate change was not a dominant topic of peer conversation, with nearly half (47.1%) discussing it only “sometimes” and a further 26.5% doing so “rarely” or “never” (Q16). This behavioral indicator contrasts sharply with a strong appetite for knowledge, as 84.5% reported being at least “moderately interested” in learning more (Q18). This disconnect—between high concern/low institutional trust on one hand, and low discussion frequency/high information interest on the other—empirically demonstrates the engagement barrier and points directly to the multi-faceted “efficacy deficit” explored in the subsequent qualitative analysis (Section 5.4).

4.4 Testing of research hypotheses

Prior to conducting Pearson correlation analyses, we examined scatter plots for each variable pair to assess the linearity assumption. Visual inspection revealed approximately linear relationships between threat appraisal and importance of societal action (H1), institutional efficacy and discussion frequency (H2), response efficacy and self-efficacy (H3), and informational barriers and self-efficacy (H4). No clear curvilinear patterns were observed. While the data are ordinal in nature (5-point Likert scales), Pearson correlation is considered robust for this scale length when distributions are approximately normal and relationships are linear (Norman, 2010). As a supplementary check, we also computed Spearman’s rank correlations, which produced nearly identical significance patterns and coefficient magnitudes (differences < 0.05), supporting the appropriateness of the parametric approach.

To move beyond description and test the theoretical framework, correlational analyses were conducted to examine the relationships between key constructs. Table 2 presents the Pearson correlation coefficients for the tested hypotheses.

To further examine the predictive structure of the proposed framework, regression interpretation indicates that perceived institutional efficacy functions as the strongest predictor of behavioral engagement compared with threat perception and informational variables. This supports the proposed mediating pathway in which institutional trust influences behavioral engagement indirectly through its effect on self-efficacy and perceived response efficacy. Although the exploratory nature and sample size limit full structural modelling, the observed statistical pattern is consistent with the hypothesised efficacy-driven mechanism underlying the attitude–behavior gap.

5 The efficacy deficit: psychological, informational, and social barriers to climate action

5.1 Psychological roadblocks

These barriers stem from how individuals perceive, process, and emotionally respond to the climate crisis. Despite over half of students (50.3% in Q6) recognizing climate change as a human-caused problem and a combined 58.1% (Q9) believing it is “likely” or “very likely” to impact their lives within a decade, an underlying optimism bias or sense of psychological distance often persists. This can lead to a feeling that the worst impacts are far off or will affect others more directly. For instance, while students acknowledge the threat, the nuanced spread of responses to local impacts (Q8) suggests a less immediate, personal connection to specific Egyptian vulnerabilities like water scarcity (15.5%) or agricultural impacts (12.9%).

Furthermore, the sheer magnitude of climate change can foster a profound sense of helplessness or fatalism. When individuals feel their actions are inconsequential against such a global challenge, motivation wanes. While a vast majority (93.5% in Q13) understand that solutions require both individual and collective efforts, the considerable “neutral” response (37.4%) and combined “disagree” (47.1%) regarding the government’s efforts (Q15) may indicate a perceived lack of institutional efficacy, inadvertently feeding into individual disempowerment. This sentiment can lead to cognitive dissonance, where individuals might downplay the severity of the threat or avoid engaging with distressing information, partially explaining why a minority still attributes climate change to natural cycles (11.0% in Q6) [For illustrative quotations, see Section 5.4.1.]

5.2 Informational gaps

These barriers relate to the availability, quality, and accessibility of climate change information. While general awareness exists, a critical gap often lies in specific, localized information about climate impacts relevant to Egypt and actionable solutions. Students largely identify “extreme heat” (31.0%) as a significant impact in Egypt (Q8), but other crucial issues like water scarcity and coastal erosion receive less attention, suggesting a lack of comprehensive, context-specific knowledge.

The presence of misinformation or conflicting narratives further muddies the waters. Although a strong majority (82% combined in Q11) acknowledges human activity as the primary cause, the persistent minority who disagrees or remains neutral points to the influence of alternative, potentially misleading, viewpoints. This underscores challenges in accessing trustworthy and engaging sources. If climate discussions occur only “sometimes” (47.1% in Q16), it could imply a reliance on informal channels rather than in-depth engagement with credible scientific or governmental information [For illustrative quotations, see Section 5.4.2.]

5.3 Social and cultural hurdles

Social barriers encompass the influence of social norms, peer dynamics, and the broader cultural context. A lack of strong social norms and peer pressure for action can hinder engagement. While nearly half of students sometimes discuss climate change (Q16), this does not automatically translate into widespread, visible activism or sustainable practices within their immediate circles. If climate action is not a prominent social expectation, individual motivation may diminish.

Crucially, the perceived lack of institutional support and opportunities is a significant deterrent. The high percentage of students who believe the government is “not doing enough” (47.1% combined disagreement in Q15) sends a strong message. When students see a deficit in official commitment or practical avenues for engagement from their government or even their university, their drive to participate can be stifled.

Finally, in a developing nation like Egypt, broader cultural contexts and immediate priorities can relegate climate change to a secondary concern. Socio-economic challenges such as employment, economic stability, and access to basic services often take precedence, diverting collective attention and resources away from long-term environmental issues [For illustrative quotations, see Section 5.4.3.]

5.4 Synthesis of qualitative insights: thematic analysis of barriers

Thematic analysis of the 15 in-depth interviews provided rich, contextual explanations for the efficacy deficit identified in the survey. Three core, interrelated themes emerged, detailing the psychological, informational, and social-cultural barriers that mediate the path from climate concern to action.

5.4.1 Psychological roadblocks: helplessness and fatalism

Interview data revealed that high awareness often coexisted with a paralyzing sense of helplessness. Participants consistently described individual action as futile against a challenge perceived as overwhelmingly global and systemic. This fatalism was powerfully linked to perceptions of institutional failure. As one student articulated, “I know climate change is real, but what can I do alone? Even the government isn’t acting enough” (P8, Female, Bachelor’s Student). This sentiment illustrates how low perceived response efficacy (belief in the government’s actions) directly erodes self-efficacy (belief in one’s own capacity to effect change), creating a psychological barrier to engagement.

5.4.2 Informational gaps: the need for localized and actionable knowledge

While respondents were broadly aware of climate change, they identified a critical lack of context-specific, practical information. General, global narratives were seen as disconnected from their lived realities. A prominent need was for locally relevant communication, as expressed by one participant: “We hear a lot about global warming, but I wish there was more information about how it will directly affect our daily lives here in Cairo, not just polar bears” (P3, Male, Master’s Student). This gap, compounded by the challenge of navigating conflicting information sources, leaves students concerned but unsure of what concrete, effective steps they can take, hindering the transition from concern to informed behavior.

5.4.3 Social and cultural hurdles: weak norms and institutional distrust

The qualitative data underscored how a lack of supportive social structures inhibits action. Climate change was not a prevalent topic in peer networks, reflecting and reinforcing weak social norms for discussion or activism. More profoundly, a deep-seated distrust in institutions was a dominant theme that extinguished motivation for collective effort. This sentiment directly mirrored the quantitative skepticism (Q15) and explained its behavioral impact. One participant’s statement captures this dynamic: “It’s hard to be motivated to change my habits when I don’t see our leaders or even the university making big changes. It feels like a small drop in a huge ocean” (P11, Female, Bachelor’s Student). This perception that a viable collective response is absent critically undermines the collective efficacy necessary to overcome the attitude-behavior gap.

6 Discussion of results

This section interprets the key findings from the survey of 155 Cairo University students within the study’s integrated theoretical framework. The discussion is structured around the three core research questions. Overall, the results reveal a consistent pattern: although students demonstrate relatively high cognitive awareness of climate change, their behavioral engagement remains limited by low perceived institutional efficacy. This finding provides empirical support for the study’s proposed efficacy-driven explanation of the attitude–behavior gap.

6.1 Interpreting student perceptions of the causes and impacts of climate change

Appendix Table 3 shows that while 50.3% of respondents correctly identified climate change as primarily human-driven and a further 21.9% recognized it as a long-term shift in Earth’s temperature, a sizeable minority still hold misconceptions. This mirrors the classic awareness–accuracy gap documented in other Global South contexts: students exhibit moderate to high cognitive awareness but uneven conceptual clarity.

Drawing on Risk Perception Theory (Slovic, 1987) and Protection Motivation Theory (PMT; Rogers, 1975), these findings suggest that threat appraisal (perceived severity and vulnerability) is present but not yet consolidated by consistent factual knowledge. Without this consolidation, threat perceptions remain fragile and susceptible to misinformation, undermining motivation to act.

The quantitative data not only describe these perceptions but also statistically support our theoretical model. As shown in Table 2, all proposed hypotheses (H1-H4) were supported. Crucially, the correlation for H2 confirms that perceived institutional efficacy is a significant predictor of behavioral engagement.

6.2 Unpacking the hurdles: psychological, informational, and social barriers to climate action in urban Egypt

While Cairo University students demonstrate a notable level of awareness regarding climate change, a deeper dive into the data, supported by qualitative insights from interviews (see Section 5.4), reveals significant psychological, informational, and social barriers that impede more robust engagement and proactive behavior. Understanding these multifaceted obstacles is crucial for developing effective strategies to foster meaningful climate action. Mezirow (1991) argues that transformative learning—which challenges existing assumptions and fosters agency—requires not only new information but also a supportive environment that encourages critical reflection. Our findings suggest that current educational practices may not be sufficiently transformative to overcome the fatalism and low self-efficacy reported by students.

6.3 Understanding engagement barriers through institutional trust

The survey revealed very low reported willingness to participate in climate-related initiatives unless they are led by credible institutions. This reflects a critical coping-appraisal deficit within the PMT framework: students doubt both response efficacy (the effectiveness of government or collective action) and self-efficacy (their own capacity to contribute meaningfully).

From a Social Cognitive Theory perspective (Bandura, 1986), low perceived collective efficacy further neutralizes engagement. Students do not see a powerful social movement or trusted institutional champion to follow, which erodes the “social modeling” that SCT posits as essential for behavior adoption. In effect, awareness exists in a vacuum of institutional trust, producing an attitude–behavior gap. Moser (2010) emphasizes that effective climate communication must be tailored to local audiences and build trust through transparency and consistency—a lesson directly applicable to the Egyptian context. Oreskes and Conway (2010) further argue that historical efforts to sow doubt about scientific consensus have lasting effects on public trust, which may partially explain the persistent skepticism observed even among educated youth.

6.4 Comparative and contextual insights

Placing Cairo alongside findings from Lahore (Mohsin et al., 2022) or similar urban centers shows that awareness and engagement are not simply functions of information supply. Instead, they are deeply mediated by political and social context. The contrast in perceived governmental efficacy across cases highlights how macro-level governance and transparency shape micro-level motivation. This comparative insight underscores that policy credibility, not just information, is a primary determinant of youth engagement. Salman and Aboukoura (2022) similarly argue that academic institutions in the Arab region must play a more active role in bridging the gap between policy and public action, a recommendation that aligns with our own.

6.5 Linking findings to action: evidence-based rationale for recommended interventions

Before presenting specific recommendations in Section 7, we explicitly ground each proposed intervention in both our empirical results and established pedagogical and behavioral science literature.

Experiential learning (Kolb, 1984) is recommended because our findings demonstrate a self-efficacy deficit (Section 4.4, H3 and H4). Students who lack confidence in their own ability to effect change (mean Q10 = 3.31/5) are precisely those who benefit from mastery experiences, which Bandura (1986) identifies as the most powerful source of self-efficacy. Meta-analyses confirm that project-based environmental education significantly improves both knowledge and behavioral intentions (Ardoin et al., 2018; Monroe et al., 2019).

Dialogic platforms address our finding that climate discussion is infrequent (47.1% discuss only ‘sometimes’; 26.5% ‘rarely’ or ‘never’). Social Cognitive Theory posits that observational learning and social norms shape behavior; thus, creating spaces for peer dialogue normalizes climate engagement. Research on youth climate engagement demonstrates that peer discussion is a stronger predictor of action than formal knowledge alone (Corner et al., 2015).

Institutional sustainability modeling directly responds to the profound deficit in perceived institutional efficacy (only 15.4% agree government is doing enough). When students observe credible collective action, it signals that individual efforts are worthwhile. This aligns with the ‘response efficacy’ component of PMT and is supported by evidence that visible institutional commitment increases public willingness to adopt pro-environmental behaviors (Moser and Dilling, 2011). Radwan and Saleh (2017) note that financing renewable energy projects and demonstrating their feasibility can serve as a tangible signal of institutional commitment, thereby enhancing public trust.

6.6 Limitations and future research

While the limitations of sample size, self-report bias, and single-institution focus remain, the present findings (visually summarised in Figure 1) provide a crucial foundation for future longitudinal and multi-institutional studies to test how changes in trust and efficacy influence behavior over time.

Figure 1

6.7 Theoretical contribution

This study does not claim to identify a novel sequential relationship within PMT, as the theory’s foundational structure (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984; Rogers, 1975) already positions threat appraisal as preceding coping appraisal. Rather, our contribution lies in specifying the mechanism by which these appraisals become constrained in low-trust, Global South contexts. Specifically, we demonstrate that perceived institutional efficacy functions as a “gateway belief” (Van der Linden et al., 2015) that moderates the translation of threat appraisal into coping appraisal. When institutional trust is absent, even high threat perception fails to activate coping processes. This context-specific refinement – which we term the “institutional efficacy gateway” – extends PMT’s applicability beyond individualistic, high-trust settings. The value of this study is therefore not in challenging PMT’s sequential structure but in empirically demonstrating how structural factors (governance credibility) shape the theory’s operation in real-world contexts where institutional trust cannot be assumed. By integrating PMT with Social Cognitive Theory, this research introduces the concept of an “efficacy cascade,” where institutional trust acts as the foundational layer enabling both personal motivation and collective behavioral activation. This contribution is particularly relevant for Global South contexts, where structural and governance factors strongly shape behavioral outcomes.

7 Implications for theory, policy, and practice

This study offers significant implications for understanding and addressing the climate engagement gap, providing actionable insights for theorists, policymakers, and educators in Egypt and similar contexts.

7.1 Theoretical implications

Our findings do not propose a fundamental revision of PMT’s appraisal sequence. Instead, they extend the theory by identifying perceived institutional efficacy as a critical moderator of the threat→coping pathway in contexts where governance credibility is low. This refinement is theoretically valuable for applications in the Global South and other settings characterized by variable institutional trust. The empirical evidence solidifies the critical importance of the efficacy dimensions of PMT, demonstrating that high threat appraisal is insufficient without robust response and self-efficacy. Furthermore, the near-unanimous student preference for ‘both individual and collective’ action (93.5%, Q13) refines the application of SCT, highlighting that in contexts of low trust, fostering collective efficacy is as important as promoting individual agency. Mezirow (1991) and Moser (2010) both argue that transformative learning and trust-building are essential for moving beyond passive awareness to active engagement—a theoretical insight that our empirical data strongly support.

7.2 Practical implications for policy, higher education, and communication

Our findings point to a necessary pivot from raising awareness to building efficacy and trust through concrete actions.

7.2.1 For policymakers and communicators

Communication must be fundamentally reoriented. First, climate messaging must be humanized and localized, moving from abstract global data to tangible local impacts already salient to youth, such as extreme heat, public health risks from pollution, and water security. Spence and Pidgeon (2010) show that reducing psychological distance increases engagement; thus, highlighting local impacts (e.g., Abdelkader et al., 2018; Elshemy et al., 2021; Hamza et al., 2021) can be more effective than global statistics. Second, a ‘both-and’ strategy is essential: public campaigns should promote practical, achievable individual actions (e.g., reducing single-use plastics, using public transport) while simultaneously and transparently demonstrating how these contribute to larger, visible national goals, such as investments in renewable energy or publicly tracked urban greening projects. Radwan and Saleh (2017) provide evidence that transparent financing of renewable energy can enhance public trust. This transparency is critical to rebuilding response efficacy and institutional trust.

7.2.2 For universities

8 Limitations and avenues for future research

8.1 Study limitations

This study has several limitations that also clarify its strategic scope. First, the use of a convenience sample from a single, elite urban institution means the findings are not statistically generalizable to all Egyptian youth. However, this focused approach was deliberate for this exploratory, mixed-methods study, as it allowed for an in-depth examination of the barriers to engagement within a segment of the population that is most likely to be aware and yet still struggles to act. This cohort thus represents a critical ‘testing ground’ for understanding the attitude-behavior gap. Second, the cross-sectional design provides a snapshot in time. While it cannot track evolution in perceptions, it establishes a crucial baseline and identifies key variables—particularly institutional trust—for future longitudinal research to investigate. Finally, the focus on university students necessarily excludes non-university youth and rural populations, whose perspectives are vital. We posit that understanding the dynamics within this educated, urban group is a necessary first step to inform subsequent comparative research across more diverse demographics.

8.2 Future research directions

9 Conclusion and recommendations

This study shows that in urban Egypt, the challenge is no longer simply raising awareness of climate change but transforming awareness into agency. Among Cairo University students, concern about climate change is high—over 80% recognize it as a human-induced and pressing societal issue, and they correctly identify key drivers such as deforestation (40.6%) and fossil fuel use (31.6%) as well as major local impacts such as extreme heat (31%), public health risks (31%) and water scarcity (15.5%). Yet sustained behavioral engagement remains limited. Only 15.4% agree that government actions are sufficient, and just 26.4% frequently engage in climate discussions. This reflects the well-documented attitude–behavior gap: students are not disengaged out of indifference but out of low institutional trust and perceived efficacy.

The most effective strategies, therefore, will be those that provide actionable information, create opportunities for meaningful individual action, and work to rebuild faith in collective response mechanisms. Empowering the next generation of climate leaders requires an ecosystem of support—linking universities, policy makers, and civil society—rather than targeting individual mindsets alone.

To effectively bridge the attitude-behavior gap, a strategic pivot in communication and education is essential. First, it is critical to localize and humanize climate messaging by anchoring campaigns in tangible local impacts already salient to students, such as extreme heat, public health risks, and water security, thereby making the science relatable and the threat urgent. Spence and Pidgeon (2010) and Chong and Druckman (2007) provide theoretical support for such framing approaches. Furthermore, it is necessary to strengthen efficacy through “both-and” narratives; since 93.5% of students believe both individual and collective efforts are essential, communication should promote practical, achievable actions while consistently demonstrating how these contribute to larger systemic change, which directly counters feelings of helplessness and perceived ineffectiveness. Concurrently, educators must engage students through experiential learning, moving beyond passive instruction to incorporate workshops, sustainability projects, and simulation exercises into curricula, which is fundamental for building self-efficacy and a sense of agency (Mezirow, 1991). To complement this, universities should expand formal and informal discussion platforms to normalize climate dialogue across disciplines, fostering a campus-wide culture of environmental conversation and collective identity through student-led forums and social media initiatives. It is equally important to address misconceptions with transparent, credible information, proactively correcting persistent misunderstandings by disseminating accessible, scientifically accurate content through trusted faculty and researchers. Lewandowsky et al. (2013) and Oreskes and Conway (2010) remind us that simply repeating facts is insufficient; building trust in the messenger is paramount. Finally, to model the possibility of change, institutions must demonstrate institutional leadership and advocate for policy, visibly modeling sustainability through their own operations, research, and advocacy to show students that credible collective action is both possible and worthwhile, thereby empowering them to become proactive agents for a resilient future.

Figure 2 presents a conceptual framework synthesized from our findings. This framework is not a description of existing programs at Cairo University but rather a proposed model for transforming awareness into action based on the barriers identified in this study. The figure visually integrates our key recommendations: localized messaging (addressing informational gaps), experiential learning (addressing self-efficacy deficits), dialogic platforms (addressing social norms), and institutional sustainability modeling (addressing low perceived institutional efficacy). The directional arrows indicate the proposed sequence of intervention, beginning with trust-building at the institutional level, followed by skill development at the individual level, and culminating in sustained collective action.

Figure 2

In conclusion, this study demonstrates that for urban Egyptian youth, the central climate challenge is no longer a deficit of awareness but a deficit of trust and efficacy. The students of Cairo University are acutely aware of the climate crisis and its threats, yet they are caught in a system where their concern is neutralized by a perceived lack of effective institutional response and personal agency. Therefore, empowering this generation requires building an enabling ecosystem that combines transparent governance, credible institutional leadership from universities, and hands-on learning opportunities. The goal must be to transform students from passive bystanders, burdened by the weight of the problem, into informed, proactive agents of change who believe in their capacity—and their society’s capacity—to build a resilient future.

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