Fragmented environmental governance in the context of shifting Mopane woodlands: insights from Vhembe district, South Africa

Abstract

Introduction:

Mopane woodlands are shifting, and it is important to understand the social impacts of shifting Mopane woodlands on rural communities. This study examined the governance structure of Mopane woodlands management to assess whether existing approaches enable communities to respond to these changes and explored how shifting Mopane woodlands affect relationships between community members and woodland ecosystem managers in Ward 12 of Musina Local Municipality in the Vhembe District Municipality in the Limpopo province of South Africa.

Methods:

A mixed-methods approach was employed, combining semi-structured interviews and qualitative focus group discussion (FGD). A pilot study was conducted in August 2022, followed by the main data collection from 14 to 17 October 2022. Questionnaires were distributed to 200 people across five villages, with 137 responses obtained, and a focus group discussion involving 13 community members was held in Bende Mutale village.

Results:

The findings reveal a fragmented and ambiguous governance system characterised by overlapping authorities, weak coordination, and limited community participation, with multiple actors involved in management, including traditional authorities, government departments, municipal authorities, and nature reserve officials, although traditional authorities appear to dominate. The study villages are largely composed of middle-aged populations, predominantly female (55.5%), with low levels of formal education (73.1% had only primary or secondary education), large household sizes (32.8% lived in households of five or more members), and high unemployment (38% of respondents were unemployed), which together exert demographic and socio-economic pressures on Mopane woodland resources. The multiplicity of management actors has created confusion among community members who perceive current management practices as unfavourable, and has contributed to emerging conflicts both between community members and management authorities and, but among community members themselves.

Discussion:

These findings underscore the urgent need for participatory governance, livelihood support, ecological restoration, and cleared institutional arrangements. They also demonstrate that an integrated socio-ecological approach is essential for achieving equitable and sustainable management of Mopane woodlands in Ward 12.

1 Introduction

The impacts of anthropogenically induced climate change on natural ecosystems are many (Charitonidou et al., 2021), and so are the impacts of ecosystem change on human systems, especially communities that rely directly on these ecosystems for their survival and livelihoods. Changes in natural ecosystems take many forms, affecting their structure (Defeo et al., 2021), functioning, processes, and services (Ma et al., 2019). Natural ecosystems are witnessing changes in the timing of ecosystem cycles, habitat loss with its associated biodiversity decline (Habibullah et al., 2022; He et al., 2022), animal and plant range shifts, loss of soil fertility, and invasive species, to name a few. Indigenous communities play an important role in the management of natural ecosystems using their indigenous knowledge. This role has become more pronounced in recent years with the recognition of the significance of indigenous knowledge in environmental management. What is often overlooked in maximising the role of indigenous communities in ecosystem management is the governance structure within which ecosystem management should unfold. In most indigenous communities, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, traditional power structures provide leadership and direction for managing community resources. While ecosystem management remains the hope for sustaining ecological integrity and supporting human wellbeing, the success of ecosystem management efforts depends on several factors such as adaptive strategies, participatory governance, and the integration of ecological and social systems (Huber et al., 2023; Suhaeb et al., 2024). Adaptive strategies consist of flexible and iterative decision-making processes which incorporate new knowledge. Participatory governance is a pluralist approach to ecosystem management as it incorporates multiple stakeholders into decision-making processes. This approach incorporates traditional local ecological knowledge into ecosystem management and encourages ecosystem stewardship amongst other advantages (Wyborn et al., 2023; Mussehl et al., 2022). The integration of ecological and social systems enhances the holistic understanding of ecosystems and supports the sustainable use of resources.

Several studies have been undertaken on Mopane woodlands and in the Vhembe district. These studies have endeavoured to investigate possible barriers to the adoption of climate change adaptation strategies among smallholder farmers such as barriers to the adoption of Climate-Smart Irrigation Technologies (Serote et al., 2023). Some have attempted to document indigenous knowledge about the use of medicinal and food plants in the Mopane woodlands (Urso et al., 2016). Others have looked at how varying land-use practices and stages of forest development influence the structural composition and regeneration capacity of Mopane woodlands (João De Sousa et al., 2021). Yet others, such as Sinthumule (2024), assessed communities’ attitudes towards the conservation of mopane trees, highlighting how traditional ethical considerations contribute to the conservation of mopane trees by forbidding the cutting of live trees. However, the impacts of shifting ecosystems on rural communities that depend on the Mopane woodlands and the ecosystem management governance structure within these Mopane woodlands remain poorly understood. Indeed, limited efforts have been made to assess whether the existing governance and management structures are adequate to help communities navigate the challenges posed by the shifting Mopane woodlands. The Mopane woodlands are a semi-arid eco-region of Southern Africa (Kashe et al., 2023). They are found in the northern part of South Africa. The Mopane woodlands present actual and potential environmental, social, and economic benefits (Maquia et al., 2019; Nikodemus et al., 2023). These woodlands provide ecosystem services and livelihood benefits that support the lives of many people, especially in rural areas (Bara et al., 2022). The Mopane woodlands are used in various ways, that include fuelwood, poles, medicine, mopane worms, stink bugs, termites, edible locusts, thatching, and sweeping grasses, which are harvested to meet household needs for food, energy, and income generation (Lavhelani, 2021).

The objective of this study is to assess the ecosystem management governance structure for the Mopane woodlands to determine if its management approach can help communities navigate the phenomenon of shifting Mopane woodlands in five villages of Ward 12 of Musina local municipality in the Vhembe district of the Limpopo province of South Africa. The study also sought to unveil the impacts of the shifting Mopane woodlands on the relationship between community members and woodland ecosystem managers.

2 Materials and methods

2.1 Study area

This study focused on five villages, i.e., Bende Mutale, Masisi, Tshikuyu, Duluthulu and Dovho villages in Ward 12 of Musina local municipality in the Vhembe district municipality of the Limpopo province as depicted in Figure 1. The Vhembe district is predominantly rural (Rusere et al., 2019). The area has a subtropical climate with temperatures ranging from a minimum of 10 °C in winter to a maximum of 40 °C in summer.

FIGURE 1

The five villages are located in the heart of the Angolan Mopane woodlands. According to Makhado et al. (2012), there are two types of Mopane woodlands in Southern Africa, the Zambezian Mopane woodlands and the Angolan Mopane woodlands. Only the Angolan Mopane woodlands are found in South Africa. Some of the Angolan woodlands cover a portion of the Vhembe district where the five villages are located, and the other Angolan Mopane woodlands are located within the Kruger National Park.

2.2 Data collection

To assess the ecosystem management governance structure for the Mopane woodlands and show the impacts of the shifting Mopane woodlands on the relationship between community members and woodland ecosystem managers, there was a need to understand the tools used to manage the Mopane woodlands and the identification of stakeholders involved in management. It was also important to understand the nature of the relationship that exists between community members and other stakeholders involved in the management of the woodlands. Therefore, a mixed-methods approach involving a questionnaire-based survey and qualitative focus group discussion (FGDs) was adopted. 13 community members from the five villages were involved in the FGDs in the Bende Mutale village. These were adults with ages ranging between 30 and 65 years. Participation in the study necessitated community members who have been living in the study area for a longer period and who have, therefore, witnessed changes in the Mopane woodlands, hence the age group selection. Thus, the discussion was on the management mechanisms in place in the face of the shifting Mopane woodlands, how these mechanisms affect communities, and possible pathways for better management of the Mopane woodlands.

The questionnaire survey was administered to 137 community members across the five villages. A pilot study was carried done in August 2022, where interviews were conducted with 50 community members across the five villages. The comprehensive data collection was done in October 2022. The pilot study helped determine community members’ eagerness to participate and the importance of Mopane woodlands management to them. We used the results of the pilot study to restructure the questionnaire, asking specific, yet relevant questions. Also, the pilot study made it easier to know the aspect that needed further probing when conducting the actual interviews and the FGDs. Survey participants selected randomly. The personal information of participants, such as names and physical addresses, were not requested. Only demographic information such as gender, employment status, education level, and age were included as depicted in Figures 2–6. These were necessary as they helped glean how the various age groups perceived the current management practices of the Mopane woodlands. Survey participants were asked the following questions: How is the Mopane woodland managed (What are the rules and restrictions in managing the Mopane woodland?), How is permission given for cutting down trees? Who creates the rules for managing the Mopane woodland ecosystem? Are people in the community involved in making these rules? How would you describe the relationship between the Chief, Tribal authority, Nature Reserve, Red Line Fences and the community in relation to woodland management? What conflicts have emerged as a result of the changing ecosystem (Are there any conflicts in the community resulting from the impact of changing woodland on food, medicinal products, and the regulations of how wood is produced?) How are community leaders responding to these conflicts? The data collection was facilitated by local research assistants across the five villages. The focus group discussion was recorded on audio and was later transcribed in English. The participants were allowed to express themselves both in English and in their local language. This was done to accommodate everyone and to obtain as much information as possible. In instances where the participants spoke in the local language, a research assistant would translate their views in English for recording purposes.

FIGURE 2

FIGURE 3

FIGURE 4

FIGURE 5

FIGURE 6

2.3 Data analysis

An exploratory view was adopted to gain insight into the narratives of the focus group participants. Thus, the focus was on understanding people’s experiences, perceptions, and meanings without imposing predetermined categories. Participants were allowed to express their views freely, encouraging open discussion, and letting themes emerge naturally from their perspectives rather than steering them toward predefined issues. An inductive thematic analysis approach was also employed to analyse the data collected through questionnaires. This involved identifying patterns, meanings, and themes directly from the data rather than applying an existing theoretical framework. This required familiarisation with the data, searching for themes, reviewing and refining of themes, defining and naming themes, and finally producing themes. In this study, the interpretation of narratives focused more on their content rather than on their structure. Data analysis was conducted using ATLAS.ti.23.s The initial codes generated by the software were carefully reviewed and refined based on the understanding gained during fieldwork. This process of refining the codes was guided by the objectives of the study to ensure relevance and depth. The finalised codes were then examined to uncover emerging themes that reflect the experiences and perceptions of participants.

Microsoft Excel was used to analyse the quantitative data. The data was coded to ensure that it is in a format that would be easy to analyse. The demographic data was coded as outlined in Table 1 below. Once the data had been coded, The PivotTable function was used in Excel. This made it easier to perform the count for each data category per village.

The coding of demographic data made it possible to perform the following analyses: the distribution of survey respondents per village, gender distribution per village, distribution of education levels per village, age groups distribution per village, and household sizes distribution per village as reported in Figures 2–7 respectively.

FIGURE 7

To ensure integrity in conducting this study, ethical clearance was granted by the Ethics and Plagiarism Committee of the Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment at the University of Johannesburg under Ethical Clearance Number UJ_FEBE_FEPC_00537.

3 Results

3.1 Results of the demographic analysis

Figure 2 outlines the distribution of survey respondents per village. This distribution reflects the degree of responsiveness of respondents per village because equal effort was made to collect data in all five villages. As can be observed, Bende Mutale had the highest number of respondents (51), followed by Masisi (39), Duluthulu (30), Dovho (15), and Tshikuyu (2).

The distribution of gender across the five villages in Figure 3 revealed that 3 villages had more female respondents than their male counterparts, while two villages had more male respondents. Bende Mutale, Masisi, and Duluthulu had the following male to female ratio respectively: 23/28, 17/22, and 10/20. Dovho had a male to female ratio of 9/6 and Tshikuyu had a 2/0 ratio.

Looking at the male/female ratios per village and considering that the villages with the highest number of female respondents also had the overall highest number of respondents, it can be said that there are more females in these villages than there are males.

The distribution of education levels of respondents per village, shown in Figure 4, shows that 48.2% of all interview respondents have a secondary education and 24.9% have a primary education. 9.5% never went to school, 9.5% have a certificate, while 5.8% have a diploma, 0.7% have an undergraduate degree, 0.7% a postgraduate degree, and 0.7% did not specify. This means that when combined, 73.1% of respondents fall within the primary and secondary education categories.

In terms of age groups distribution per village as outlined in Figure 5 above, Group 1 is for respondents within the 31 to 40 age group, Group 2 (41–50), Group 3 (51–60), and Group 4 (61 and above). 22.6% of all respondents fall under Group 1, 35.8% fall into Group 2, 24.1% fall into Group 3 and 17.5% are under Group 4. This shows that Group 2 is the largest group, i.e., individuals between 41 and 50 years old.

As shown in Figure 6, household sizes were categorised into five categories or sizes. Size 1 is a household consisting of 1 individual only, Size 2 consists of 2 individuals, Size 3 is a household of 3 individuals, Size 4 consists of 4 individuals, and Size 5 consists of 5 individuals or more. The results show that most households are Size 3 households in Bende Mutale; there are more Size 5 households in Dovho, Duluthulu and Masisi. Overall, 33.6% of all respondents come from Size 3 households, followed by Size five households, i.e. 32.8%, then Size 4 households, i.e. 24.1, followed by Size 1 households, i.e. 5.1% and lastly Size 2 households, i.e. 4.4%.

Figure 7 outlines the distributions of employment statuses per village. Employment statuses were categorised into four categories, namely, Status 1: Employed, Status 2: Self-Employed, Status 3: Unemployed, and Status 4: Pensioner. 38% of all survey respondent are unemployed, 24% are employed, 19% are self-employed and 19% are on a pension. This means that there are high levels of unemployment across the five villages.

3.2 Structure of the mopane woodlands management governance and community perceptions

The responses of survey respondents and focus group participants were reviewed and analysed to produce the themes outlined in Supplementary Appendix S1. Themes were categorised according to the questions asked. Themes were also grouped per village. This grouping helped identify the similarity and uniqueness of community members’ perceptions across villages. The findings of the survey, combined with those of the focus group discussion, revealed that the management of the Mopane woodland is characterised by an ambiguous multi-level governance structure. Table 2 outlines the actors involved in the management of the Mopane woodlands as identified by community members in the five villages.

The many actors involved in the management of the Mopane woodlands has led to institutional ambiguity, a lack of coordination, strained relationships among stakeholders and emerging disputes over the resources of the Mopane woodlands.

Figure 8 above outlines the actors involved in the management of Mopane woodlands in each of the five villages. Figure 8 also outlines some of the issues that cut across the five villages, i.e., institutional overlap, which justifies the ambiguity referred to earlier, the lack of a clear coordination mechanism, resource-based disputes, and most importantly, the sense of feeling lost expressed by the survey participants.

FIGURE 8

According to Makhado et al. (2012), the reported ambiguity in Mopane woodlands management governance started in post-1994 South Africa with the reintegration of the former homelands into the Republic of South Africa. This reintegration led to the inclusion of woodlands into the scope of forestry policy. Though this inclusion was aimed to foster sustainable ecosystem management practices, the opposite appears to be the reality on the ground.

3.2.1 Bende mutale

Respondents from the Bende Mutale village perceive the dominant presence of the traditional authority in the management of the Mopane woodlands. According to them, the management of the Mopane woodlands is done using bylaws and permits. Their responses also suggested the involvement of the municipality in the management of woodlands, though only a few of them did mention this. Community members also expressed a strong dissatisfaction about the way the Mopane woodlands are being managed because the current approach excludes community members from any meaningful participation in decision-making or the formulation of regulations. They also reported a sustained decline in the availability of resources of the Mopane woodland. This decline, coupled with the by-laws, which the community perceives as limiting, leads to illegal harvesting of wood from the woodlands because most community members cannot afford to pay for the permits. Community members also expressed their dissatisfaction with the traditional authority because it failed to engage the community in decisions related to the management of the woodland. With most of them being unemployed and between 31 and 40 years old, this creates conflicts between the community and its leaders, and conflicts amongst community members themselves, because access to the resources of the woodlands seems to be their primary source of livelihood. Once this is taken from them, it leads to frustration. Further, community members are divided in their attitude towards the bylaws, which are used to facilitate the management. Some are in support of it, while others oppose the by-laws because they perceive them as a tool to hinder them from accessing the woodland; thus, the by-laws constitute a threat to their livelihoods.

3.2.2 Dovho, Duluthulu and Tshikuyu villages

In Dovho, Duluthulu and Tshikuyu, villagers expressed similar concerns as those expressed by Bende Mutale community members. The themes that emerged in relation to woodland management and governance structure point to a multi-actors’ management structure dominated by the traditional authority. This dominance of the traditional authority is characterised by limited community participation and collaboration amongst stakeholders. As a result, the traditional leadership finds it difficult to enforce its rules because community members feel left out in the process of developing and implementing these rules. The respondents made mention of existing conflicts between community members, chiefs and herdsmen. These conflicts are fuelled by resource scarcity and tension around resource access and control because community members view the bay-laws as a barrier to their livelihoods.Economic hardship aggravates this conflict

3.2.3 Masisi village

In Masisi, themes that emerged suggest that the management of the woodland in this part of Ward 12 is dominated by chiefs, herdsmen, and nature reserve staff. These themes also point to a minimal or non-existent involvement of the community in decision-making. Strict rules and permits are used to regulate the use of the woodland. Patrolling and punishments are used in addition to rules. As in the case of the other three villages, community members also expressed their dissatisfaction with being excluded from decision making processes and rulemaking. Community members also observed that ecological changes resulting into declined availability of Mopane woodland resources have led to migration out of the village and to disrupted traditional practices.

3.3 Community concerns over the fragmented mopane woodlands management governance structure

In view of the persisting ambiguity in the governance structure for managing the Mopane woodlands, community members expressed the following concerns outlined in Table 3 below:

Community members expressed that decisions about woodland management are often made without their inclusion. This view has been expressed across all five villages. As a result of this exclusion, community members feel marginalised and fail to buy into and comply with management rules. Statements such as “we are not informed” were common amongst the survey respondents and participants of the focus group discussion. The lack of clarity in the roles and responsibilities of traditional leaders, government departments, and conservation authorities has been noted by participants. A survey respondent noted that “rules are created by the chief and nature reserve. The community is not involved into creating the rules just to avoid conflicts between them as there might be disagreement among them.” This has brought confusion about who manages the woodlands and how rules should be enforced, particularly in Bende Mutale, Duluthulu, and Masisi.

In Tshikuyu, Dovho, and Masisi villages, participants highlighted issues of favouritism and unequal application of regulations. There are individuals who reportedly break rules without facing consequences, leading to community resentment and loss of trust in leadership. All villages reported an increase in disputes over access to Mopane woodlands. These conflicts are driven by resource scarcity due to shifting ecosystems. Respondents frequently mentioned disputes over firewood collection and grazing areas. While traditional and local leaders are making efforts to resolve disputes, community members in Duluthulu, Masisi, and Bende Mutale expressed that these efforts are not always effective because they are mostly informal and reactive. Respondents called for improved collaboration between traditional authorities and governmental bodies. They also suggested that local by-laws should be reformed to institute participatory planning processes that include community voices in decision-making. Participants from Dovho, Bende Mutale, and Masisi echoed this desire the most.

The shifting of the Mopane woodlands is having significant impacts on the relationship between community members and ecosystem managers. Some participants commented that: “Community members are fighting over the use of natural resources for which they have been denied by the authority because it is declining and community members want to use these natural products”; “people are always fighting because they want to utilize products from the Mopane woodland but they are being told to pay money before they can be given access to these natural products”; “the by-laws are the ones that cause the conflicts. These regulations deny residents access to obtain natural products freely”; “the conflict are always here in our community because the rules that are given by the leaders are not followed by the people”; “yes there is a conflict in the community due to cutting of trees. The community or people cut the Mopane trees because they want to sell the firewood, and this cause the problems of not getting the Mopane worms.” Table 4 outlines emerging themes that categorise these impacts.

As Mopane woodlands shift by shrinking in size, there is a growing perception amongst community members that those responsible for managing this ecosystem are not adequately addressing the situation. This has led to widespread distrust across all villages. This distrust is further exacerbated by poor communication from authorities regarding changes in woodland conditions and rules. This has led to continuing misunderstandings and resentment, especially in Bende Mutale, Duluthulu, and Masisi villages. As a result, community respect for authority is diminishing, particularly in Tshikuyu, Masisi and Dovho villages. In the midst of this institutional ambiguity, community members across the villages continue to struggle with access to the fading resources of the Mopane woodlands. The shifting of the Mopane woodlands has heightened competition for resources of the Mopane woodlands. This competition translates into disputes both within communities and between residents and managers.

4 Discussion

The results outlined in the previous section demonstrate that the current governance structure and ecosystem management practice in the Mopane woodlands are characterised by institutional ambiguity, the presence of multiple and overlapping actors, and the exclusion of community members from participating in decision-making. This exclusion is the root of conflicts between community members and the parties involved in woodland management. While traditional authorities dominate the governance of the Mopane woodlands, government departments, the municipality, and officials from the Nature Reserve assume the same responsibilities without any structured coordination. This fragmentation has led to a lack of accountability, weak enforcement of rules, and the dissatisfaction of community members. The findings, based on the demographic profile of the study area, also show that conflicts are likely to intensify in the future due to the high unemployment rate and the limited access to resources of the Mopane woodlands.

These findings are similar to those of other studies on the governance and management of natural resources. In the case of rangeland management in the Western Highlands of Cameroon, Mairomi and Kimengsi (2021) found that the governance of these rangelands was shaped by short-term alliances between state and non-state actors. They also found that many parties were involved in rangeland management, a reality that led to fragmented governance efforts due to overlapping responsibilities and a lack of coordination. These two issues are like what has been happening in the governance of the Mopane woodlands. However, in their case, the local community was involved in crafting rules, especially those related to grazing patterns and water access. In the case of Ghana’s Community Resource Management Areas (CREMA), Bayala (2024) found that though the CREMA system provides the most integrative form of resource management and places community members at the core of biodiversity and landscape resources management, the effective implementation of this system has been hindered by limited capacity, lack of technical support, and inconsistent funding. The CREMA system also presents a multiplicity of actors in the governance of natural resources, but places local communities at the centre of its activities. It, therefore, means that the presence of many actors in governance may not necessarily be the problem but the lack of a proper structure in place. This is the problem with the current management of the Mopane woodlands. There is no clear structure that delegates clear responsibilities to each party, and there is no mechanism in place to facilitate the participation of community members in decision-making, talk less of their active involvement in the implementation of strategies.

Studies have shown that having the community at the center of ecosystem management and governance structure offers the promise of long-term sustainable ecosystem management in rural areas. Sattler et al. (2015), for example, demonstrated that a co-management structure benefited both the local community and government authorities in the Marujá community of Brazil. The community recognised the need for their participation and took the first bottom-up initiative, leading to co-management. A similar case was found in the Kibber village located in the Indian Trans-Himalaya mountains, where Murali et al. (2022) identified the main factors driving local ecosystem management. They found that information sharing, conflict resolution, monitoring, and self-organisation were important factors behind progressive ecosystem management. In both cases, the local community plays an active role in ecosystem management. In the context of the Mopane woodland in the Vhembe District, co-management of this ecosystem would imply that the local community be involved in planning and decision-making meetings. It would also imply that community members be given active responsibilities such as those concerned with ecosystem restoration.

5 Conclusion

This study examined whether the existing ecosystem management governance structure of the Mopane woodlands in five villages of Ward 12, Musina Local Municipality, is adequate to support rural communities under conditions of shifting ecosystems and how these changes affect relationships between community members and woodland ecosystem managers. A mixed-methods approach was employed, combining questionnaire surveys (n = 137) and focus group discussion (n = 13) with long-term residents across the five villages, and the analysis integrated demographic profiling with inductive thematic analysis to capture community perceptions and emerging conflicts related to woodland management. The findings reveal a fragmented and ambiguous governance system characterised by overlapping authorities, lack of coordination, and limited community involvement. The findings also reveal a complex socio-ecological landscape in which demographic realities, governance weaknesses, and shifting Mopane woodland resources jointly shape persistent tensions between communities and ecosystem management actors. The demographic profile shows that the population is largely middle-aged, predominantly female in several villages, and characterised by relatively low levels of formal education (73.1% had only primary or secondary education). Households are generally large (32.8% lived in households of five or more members), and unemployment levels are high (38% of respondents were unemployed). These demographic and socio-economic pressures mean that Mopane woodland resources are not merely environmental assets but are central to daily survival. As a result, any governance arrangement that restricts access without providing alternatives inevitably drives resistance, conflict, and non-compliance to management rules. Across all five villages, the findings consistently show that management of the Mopane woodlands is dominated by traditional authorities, reinforced by permit systems, patrols, and penalties. However, these systems are poorly aligned with the needs and realities of the affected communities. In all five villages, community involvement in decision-making is minimal or symbolic, leading to widespread dissatisfaction, mistrust, and perceived marginalisation. The multiplicity of actors, i.e., traditional leaders, municipal bodies, government departments, and nature reserve officials creates institutional ambiguity and overlapping mandates that confuse both community members and the managers themselves. This lack of coordination undermines effective governance and erodes community confidence in the legitimacy of management structures.

These findings call for several actions. First, the governance system must be restructured to a participatory management that is centred on the community. This includes establishing formal mechanisms for community inclusion in rulemaking, planning, and monitoring. Community-based governance structures can enhance local legitimacy, improve compliance, and reduce conflict. Second, there is a need for clear, coordinated roles among traditional authorities, municipal bodies, and conservation agencies. A unified governance framework supported by joint planning committees, shared communication channels, and harmonised regulations would help resolve institutional ambiguity and improve accountability. Third, socio-economic drivers of conflict must be addressed. High unemployment and lack of alternative livelihoods push communities toward the woodland as a safety net. Fourth, communication between authorities and communities must improve. Regular community meetings, transparent explanations of rules, and education about woodland conservation can help rebuild trust and ensure alignment between ecological realities and management responses. Lastly, environmental restoration and adaptive management strategies are needed to respond to the shifting ecology of the Mopane woodlands. Reforestation, controlled harvesting, monitoring of woodland health, and climate-resilient land-use planning can help safeguard the resource base and reduce competition over dwindling woodland resources. Without such ecological interventions, social conflicts will continue to escalate as resources decline.

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