Women as agents of change in community-based waste management: a thematic analysis

Abstract

Introduction:

Waste management remains a major environmental challenge in developing countries, particularly in Indonesia, where increasing waste generation continues to exceed management capacity. Although community-based waste management has been widely promoted, limited research has examined women's participation, the barriers they encounter, and the strategies needed to strengthen their contributions to sustainable waste governance. Drawing on the Feminist Political Ecology (FPE) perspective, this study explores women's roles as agents of change in community-based waste management in Bandung, Indonesia.

Methods:

This study adopted a qualitative approach grounded in a constructivist paradigm. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 13 participants actively involved in community-based waste management initiatives, including waste-bank managers, environmental educators, community facilitators, PKK cadres, recycling activists, and maggot-house supervisors. The interviews were conducted between July and September 2025. Data were analysed using Braun and Clarke's six-step thematic analysis framework to identify recurring patterns related to women's participation, challenges, and strategies for strengthening their roles.

Results:

Three major themes emerged from the analysis. First, women participated extensively in waste management through household waste sorting, environmental education, waste-bank management, organic waste processing, and community leadership. Women functioned not only as waste managers but also as environmental educators, community mobilisers, and local sustainability leaders. Second, women encountered several barriers, including low public awareness, resistance to waste sorting, limited facilities and infrastructure, inconsistent community participation, inadequate institutional support, difficulties in changing community behaviour, and residents' time constraints. Third, participants identified several strategies for strengthening women's contributions, including continuous environmental training, collaboration with local stakeholders, practical community-based education, incentive and reward systems, digital environmental campaigns, strengthening women's environmental networks, school-based environmental education, and public recognition of women's environmental contributions.

Discussion:

The findings demonstrate that women play a central role in connecting household environmental practices with broader community-level sustainability initiatives. Consistent with Feminist Political Ecology, women's environmental agency extends beyond domestic responsibilities to include leadership, behavioural change, and community mobilisation. However, their contributions remain constrained by behavioural, infrastructural, and institutional barriers. Strengthening women's participation therefore requires integrated efforts involving capacity building, multi-stakeholder collaboration, supportive infrastructure, institutional recognition, and long-term environmental education. This study contributes to the Feminist Political Ecology literature by showing that women are not merely environmental caretakers but active leaders who facilitate behavioural change, community engagement, and local sustainability transitions.

1 Introduction

Waste management has become an urgent global concern, particularly in developing countries such as Indonesia, where population growth and shifts in consumption patterns have contributed to a significant increase in waste generation. According to national statistics, Indonesia, with a population of approximately 270.20 million people (Statistik, 2024), produces around 37.81 million tons of waste annually, of which nearly 14.16 million tons remain unmanaged (Kehutanan, 2024). Improper waste-handling practices frequently lead to river and marine pollution, as waste is transported downstream into coastal ecosystems (Fikry et al., 2024). These challenges are further intensified by inadequate management systems, limited infrastructure, geographical constraints, and low levels of awareness regarding responsible household waste practices (Vitasari et al., 2024). Households represent the largest source of national waste flow, contributing more than half of total waste production (51.21%), followed by the commercial sector (15.1%), traditional markets (11.65%), offices (6.05%), public facilities (5.05%), special areas (8.19%), and other sources (2.75%) (Siregar, 2018). Although government initiatives have sought to improve waste management, outcomes remain suboptimal due to limited community engagement (Nelson and Wright, 2017).

This limited level of public participation is concerning because sustainable waste management cannot be achieved solely through technical interventions and government programmes. Growing evidence suggests that community participation is a critical determinant of waste-management success, particularly in urban areas where household waste constitutes the dominant waste stream (Asteria and Herdiansyah, 2022; Vitasari et al., 2024). Within this context, women occupy a strategic position because they are often directly involved in household consumption, waste generation, waste sorting, recycling activities, and environmental education within families and communities. Consequently, women are not merely participants in waste management but may also function as important agents of behavioural and social change.

However, limited studies have critically examined women's roles in household- and community-based waste management, particularly regarding the challenges they face in environmental education and the strategies needed to strengthen their participation in sustainable waste practices in developing-country contexts such as Indonesia. Several previous studies have discussed women's involvement in recycling, sanitation, and environmental campaigns; however, many remain descriptive and provide limited discussion on women's lived experiences, barriers, and social roles within community-based waste-management practices. For example, a recent study in Italy found that increased female representation in government improved selective waste collection (Baraldi et al., 2024), but the study focused on institutional representation rather than women's everyday participation in household and community waste-management activities. In addition, studies investigating women's participation in circular-economy-based waste initiatives at the community level remain limited (Pansera et al., 2024). Previous studies have also not sufficiently explored the barriers women face in delivering environmental education within communities or the strategies that may strengthen their contribution to sustainable waste governance (Arya and Shukla, 2025). As a result, context-sensitive understanding of women's roles, challenges, and contributions in community-based waste management remains underdeveloped, particularly in Indonesian urban contexts.

This study is grounded in the perspective of Feminist Political Ecology to examine how gender relations shape women's participation, responsibilities, and experiences in community-based waste management. This perspective argues that gender, alongside other social dimensions, influences access to, control over, and knowledge of environmental resources and practices; and highlights that social identities and everyday environmental responsibilities are constructed through people's interactions with both the natural environment and social life (Sundberg, 2017). In this study, Feminist Political Ecology is employed to emphasize that environmental practices are closely intertwined with socially constructed gender roles, divisions of labor, and power relations within households and communities (Rocheleau et al., 2013). Beyond examining participation alone, FPE provides a useful lens for understanding women's environmental agency by revealing how everyday environmental practices become sites where gender relations, community responsibilities, and environmental knowledge are negotiated. Through this perspective, women's waste-management activities can be understood not merely as domestic responsibilities but also as forms of environmental leadership and socio-ecological action that influence household behaviour up to local sustainability initiatives. This perspective is also consistent with the realities observed in many developing countries, where women are frequently positioned as primary actors in household environmental management, including waste sorting, recycling, sanitation, and environmental education activities. However, these responsibilities are often accompanied by unequal workloads, limited institutional support, and socio-cultural expectations that shape the extent and nature of women's participation in environmental practices (Pakasi, D. T., and Purnamasari, 2024; Pewa et al., 2025).

Women led waste management practices (Baraldi et al., 2024; Pansera et al., 2024) align closely with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which advocate for resource efficiency, inclusive economic growth, and gender empowerment as integral dimensions of ecological and social transformation (Firdaus et al., 2025; Sekarningrum et al., 2024). Previous studies have demonstrated that gender relations influence participation, access to resources, and opportunities for involvement in environmental governance and sustainability-related activities (Koralagama et al., 2017; Stephens et al., 2018). Such as, study by Rahmania et al. (2025) investigated the association between gender equality and government policy and environmental sustainability outcomes in Indonesia; Dawar et al. (2025)analysed urban waste management using machine-learning techniques, without incorporating social or gender dimensions; and Chandra Manivannan et al. (2025) reviewed circular-economy-based waste policies but restricted their analysis to the textile sector. Therefore, we see limited attention to the role of women as agents of environmental change in everyday waste management practices, little empirical evidence regarding the barrier's women face, and the various strategies they use at the local level. This gap is particularly important because urban waste management in Indonesia depends heavily on behavioural change, community participation, and local environmental leadership (Asteria and Herdiansyah, 2020). Furthermore, a portion of the public still perceives waste management as having no economic value (Sriyanto and Intan, 2019), while others lack understanding of 3R principles (reduce, reuse, recycle), contributing to low awareness of proper waste practices (Asteria and Herdiansyah, 2020).

2 Research methodology

2.1 Research setting and participants

This study was conducted in Bandung City, Indonesia, which represents a critical case of community-based urban waste management. Previous studies show that waste management in Bandung is driven by bottom-up initiatives such as community waste banks and neighborhood-level programs (Hamzah et al., 2022). Women in Bandung play a central role in household waste practices and even reach the level of citizen control in several communities (Al-Ghifary and Hani, 2024). Environmental movements in Bandung also demonstrate ecofeminist characteristics, where women actively lead public awareness and sustainability campaigns (Al-Ghifary and Hani, 2024; Hamzah et al., 2022). Supported by municipal participatory programs, Bandung provides a comprehensive socio-institutional ecosystem that makes it an appropriate setting to examine women's roles in waste management.

Kota Bandung is administratively divided into four main areas: Bandung Tengah, Bandung Utara, Bandung Barat, and Bandung Timur. The research locations were selected purposively based on areas with a high volume of unmanaged waste and clear evidence of women's involvement in community-based waste management activities. The distribution of research sites by sub-districts across the four areas is as follows: (1). Bandung Tengah area, which consists of five sub-districts, two sub-districts were selected as research locations, (2). Bandung Utara area, which consists of eight sub-districts, three sub-districts were selected, (3). Bandung Barat area, which also comprises eight sub-districts, included three selected sub-districts, (4). Bandung Timur area, which consists of nine sub-districts, three sub-districts were selected as research locations. The diversity of research locations enabled the researchers to compare women's experiences, barriers, and environmental practices across different community contexts, thereby strengthening data credibility through site triangulation.

The participants in this study consisted of 13 informants who were actively involved in household- and community-based waste-management initiatives. Most participants were women serving as waste-bank managers, environmental educators, PKK cadres, recycling facilitators, community waste activists, maggot-house supervisors, and leaders of neighborhood environmental programmers. Several participants also held additional professional roles, including lecturer, small-business owner, and community facilitator. The participants were selected purposively because they possessed direct experience and active involvement in waste-management practices and environmental education within their respective communities. Their activities included household waste sorting, organic waste processing, recycling programmers, waste-bank management, environmental campaigns, sanitation initiatives, and public education regarding sustainable waste practices. The types of waste managed by participants included household organic waste, recyclable inorganic waste such as plastics and paper, and community-based composting and maggot-processing waste. Participant selection also considered the diversity of community roles and geographical representation to capture variations in women's experiences and environmental practices across different urban settings.

2.2 Data collection

Data were collected through in-depth interviews from July to September 2025. During the interview process, a total of 13 informants were asked to provide information regarding several key aspects relevant to this research question. The interviews were conducted in a semi-structured manner, with an average duration of 35–60 min for each informant.

This study adhered to the ethical principles of qualitative research, specifically regarding voluntary participation, confidentiality, informed consent, and participant protection. Prior to the interviews, participants were informed about the purpose of the study, the use of interview data, confidentiality procedures, and their right to refuse or withdraw participation at any time without consequence. Personal identities were removed from the transcripts and replaced with pseudonyms to maintain anonymity. After the interviews, recordings were transcribed verbatim to ensure data accuracy. Transcription began with initial notes in the participants’ native languages and then cross-checked with the audio recordings to ensure consistency and accuracy. Selected quotes were then translated into English using a process of forward translation and back-checking to preserve the original meaning of the participants’ statements. These quotes will be used for publication. All digital recordings, transcripts, and field notes are securely stored in a password-protected folder and are only accessible to the research team.

2.3 Data analysis

Thematic analysis was used to analyses the interview data in order to identify recurring patterns, themes, and meanings related to women's participation in household- and community-based waste management. Thematic analysis is a widely used qualitative analytical approach for identifying, interpreting, and organizing themes emerging from participants’ experiences and perceptions (Braun and Clarke, 2006; Maguire and Delahunt, 2017). Previous studies have also applied thematic analysis to examine community experiences, environmental practices, and social participation through semi-structured interviews (Ho et al., 2019; Low et al., 2025; Mansor and Sheau-Ting, 2020). In this study, thematic analysis was considered appropriate because it enabled the researchers to explore women's lived experiences.

The preliminary themes were subsequently reviewed and refined to ensure coherence, relevance, and clear distinctions between themes. This process was conducted continuously by comparing patterns across participants and research locations. Themes were then defined and named descriptively to reflect the central meanings represented in the participants’ narratives (Braun and Clarke, 2006).

The interpretation of themes was guided by the Feminist Political Ecology perspective to understand how gender relations, social roles, and community dynamics shaped women's environmental participation and experiences in waste-management activities. The findings were presented narratively and supported by direct quotations from participants to validate the identified themes and preserve participants’ voices within the analysis. Literature was used to support the interpretation of findings rather than replace primary data. To ensure the credibility and depth of analysis, the researchers continuously compared data across participants and locations until thematic saturation was reached, meaning that no substantially new themes or insights emerged from subsequent interviews (Saunders et al., 2018).

3 Results

Table 1 summarizes the characteristics of the study participants. The study involved 13 participants selected through purposive sampling to capture diverse experiences and perspectives related to community-based waste management. Women constituted the majority of participants (10 of 13), reflecting their prominent involvement in waste management activities and the study's focus on understanding women's environmental participation. Participants also varied in terms of educational attainment, professional experience, and organizational roles, enabling a comprehensive exploration of the social, institutional, and gender dimensions of waste management practices.

Table 2 provides an overview of the coding framework developed through the thematic analysis. The analysis began with the identification of initial codes derived from meaningful statements, recurring ideas, and shared experiences expressed by participants. Similar initial codes were then merged into broader general codes, which served as the basis for generating higher-level themes. The resulting coding structure revealed three major themes: women's participation in waste management, barriers and challenges faced by women, and strategies to optimise women's roles. The frequencies reported for each general code reflect the prevalence of particular issues and experiences within the interview data, highlighting the most salient aspects of women's engagement in community-based waste management initiatives.

In Table 3, general codes were generated based on the three research questions focusing on women's participation in waste management, the barriers faced by women in community environmental education, and strategies to optimise women's roles in waste management. All interview responses from the 13 participants were manually reviewed to identify meaningful statements related to women's involvement in household and community-based waste management activities. The coding process resulted in several general codes, which were then rechecked and grouped into broader thematic categories.

The findings presented in Table 3 showed that the most frequently mentioned theme was “women's participation in waste management,” with a total frequency of 57 (39.31%). This finding indicates that participants strongly emphasised the important role of women in initiating and sustaining household- and community-based waste management practices. Within the theme of “women's participation in waste management,” “household-based waste management practices” was the most frequently mentioned code (f = 18; 12.41%), followed by “community environmental education” (f = 17; 11.72%) and “waste bank management” (f = 9; 6.21%). Participants also frequently highlighted women's involvement in “organic waste processing,” including composting, maggot cultivation, and eco-enzyme production (f = 8; 5.52%). In addition, “women as leaders” emerged as an important code (f = 5; 3.45%), reflecting women's roles not only as participants in waste management activities but also as initiators, coordinators, and community motivators who influence environmental practices within households and neighbourhoods.

The second major theme identified was “barriers and challenges faced by women,” with a total frequency of 43 (29.66%). Among the identified barriers, “low public awareness” was the most frequently mentioned code (f = 12; 8.28%). Participants frequently described difficulties in encouraging community members to separate waste and participate consistently in waste management activities. “Resistance to waste sorting” was also commonly reported (f = 9; 6.21%), followed by “limited facilities and infrastructure” (f = 7; 4.83%). Other barriers included “inconsistent community participation” (f = 5; 3.45%), “lack of government support” (f = 4; 2.76%), as well as “difficulty changing community behaviour” and “time constraints of residents” (f = 3; 2.07%). These findings indicate that behavioural, infrastructural, and institutional challenges remain significant obstacles to strengthening women-led waste management initiatives.

The third theme emerging from the thematic analysis was “strategies to optimise women's roles,” with a total frequency of 45 (31.03%). Within this theme, “continuous environmental training” was the most frequently identified strategy (f = 9; 6.21%). Participants emphasised that ongoing training is essential for improving women's knowledge, skills, and confidence in managing household and community waste management activities. The second most frequently mentioned strategy was “collaboration with PKK, RW, and stakeholders” (f = 8; 5.52%), highlighting the importance of multi-stakeholder cooperation in strengthening community-based environmental initiatives. Furthermore, “practical community-based education” was identified as an important strategy (f = 7; 4.83%), indicating the need for hands-on learning activities that encourage active community participation and environmental awareness. “Incentive and reward systems” were also frequently mentioned (f = 6; 4.14%), reflecting the importance of motivation and recognition in sustaining women's engagement in waste management programmes. Other strategies included “digital environmental campaigns” (f = 4; 2.76%), “strengthening women's environmental networks” (f = 4; 2.76%), and “school- and child-based environmental education” (f = 4; 2.76%). In addition, “community recognition and appreciation” was identified as a supporting strategy (f = 3; 2.07%), suggesting that acknowledging women's contributions can further encourage participation and long-term commitment. Overall, these findings suggest that capacity building, collaborative partnerships, community-based education, and supportive incentive mechanisms are key strategies for strengthening women's roles in sustainable waste management practices.

4 Discussion

4.1 Women's participation in waste management: from household environmental practices to community leadership

The findings reveal that women participate extensively in waste management through household waste sorting, community environmental education, waste bank management, organic waste processing, door-to-door education, family-based environmental education, and leadership roles within environmental initiatives. These findings demonstrate that women are not merely participants in waste management activities but function as key actors who connect household environmental practices with broader community-level environmental governance.

According to Feminist Political Ecology (FPE), environmental responsibilities are shaped through socially constructed gender relations that assign women primary responsibility for maintaining household and community well-being (Rocheleau et al., 2013). The present findings strongly support this argument. Across the interviews, women described waste management as an activity that begins within the household and gradually expands into community engagement. For example, NK explained:

“It starts with individual initiative, which then extends to encouraging those around us, including family members at home. We also engage office boys and cleaning staff in waste management activities, although continuous guidance and mentoring are still needed”.

Similarly, HR stated:

“Waste segregation starts within the household by providing separate waste bins, educating residents, encouraging family members to sort waste, and directly collecting organic waste from households on a door-to-door basis”.

These narratives suggest that women's environmental engagement originates from everyday domestic practices and subsequently evolves into broader forms of environmental leadership. Rather than viewing household activities as separate from environmental governance, the findings indicate that domestic waste management constitutes an important foundation for community-based environmental transformation. This finding aligns with the work of Pakasi et al. (2024), who found that community-based waste management in Indonesia relies heavily on women's environmental care work within households and communities. Their study argues that waste management responsibilities have become feminised because women are often expected to perform environmental care activities as an extension of domestic responsibilities. However, the present study extends these findings by demonstrating that women do not merely perform environmental responsibilities assigned to them by social norms. Instead, many women actively transform these responsibilities into opportunities for leadership, education, and community mobilization. The high frequency of household waste management and family environmental education (f = 18) indicates that women function as the primary environmental managers within households. Participants consistently reported providing separate waste bins, teaching family members to sort waste, and processing organic waste through composting. MD, founder of Bank Sampah Bumi Sariwangi, described how environmental awareness emerged through everyday family interactions:

“My involvement began when my child enrolled in a nature-based school. Through that experience, I learned more about environmental management and later suggested to my husband, ‘Why don’t we start this initiative in our residential community?”.

Interestingly, this statement illustrates that environmental learning is not always transmitted from adults to children. Instead, environmental awareness can emerge through reciprocal learning processes within families. This finding supports contemporary ecofeminist scholarship suggesting that environmental knowledge is socially produced through daily interactions rather than exclusively through formal environmental education programmes (Kim, 2024).

The findings further reveal that community environmental education (f = 17) represents one of the most significant forms of women's participation. Women frequently acted as environmental educators through community meetings, neighbourhood campaigns, religious gatherings, waste-bank activities, and direct mentoring. HH explained:

“We carried out door-to-door educational outreach using simple language, demonstrated practical examples, and employed a persuasive approach to encourage community participation”.

Likewise, HS emphasised:

“Our strategy involved a data-driven door-to-door approach that included household profiling, community education, and the labeling of households according to their waste management practices”.

The prominence of door-to-door education suggests that women rely on relational and interpersonal communication rather than top-down information dissemination. This finding supports recent ecofeminist research showing that environmental communication is often more effective when delivered through social trust, everyday interaction, and community relationships (Ardianti et al., 2026).

Another important finding concerns women's involvement in waste bank management (f = 9). Participants described responsibilities ranging from administration and waste collection to financial management and community mobilisation. MD reported that the waste bank she established with four women leaders has grown to involve more than 110 households. Similarly, Lilis explained how her participation evolved from being a regular waste-bank customer to becoming a management committee member responsible for encouraging community participation. These findings support Sekarningrum et al. (2024), who found that waste banks can serve as important mechanisms for women's empowerment by increasing environmental knowledge, leadership skills, and community participation. However, the present study extends previous research by demonstrating that waste banks function not only as economic institutions but also as educational platforms where women develop leadership capacities and environmental influence.

The role of women was particularly evident in organic waste processing activities (f = 8), including compost production, maggot cultivation, and eco-enzyme production. AH supervisor of a maggot-processing facility, explained:

“We provided education and hands-on technical training on organic waste processing to community members, especially mothers, as they play a central role in household waste management”.

Similarly, AN described how organic waste is transformed into eco-enzyme, maggot feed, and fish feed products that generate environmental and economic benefits. These findings reflect broader transitions towards circular economy practices, where waste is no longer perceived as a disposal problem but as a resource that can generate environmental and economic value. Similar observations were reported by Pansera et al. (2024), who found that women play essential roles in community-level circular economy initiatives through recycling, resource recovery, and environmental entrepreneurship.

Perhaps the most significant finding concerns the emergence of women as environmental leaders (f = 5). Although leadership appeared less frequently than household waste sorting or environmental education, interview narratives suggest that leadership constitutes the mechanism through which other forms of participation become institutionalised. Participants repeatedly described women as facilitators, coordinators, educators, and community motivators. NK observed:

“The women in the community turned out to be smarter than we were”.

Meanwhile, HR stated:

“Women’s close connection to their families and communities positions them as key drivers of social and environmental change”.

AN similarly argued:

“When mothers take the lead, children and husbands are more likely to follow their example”.

These findings are consistent with evidence from Italy showing that greater female participation in environmental decision-making contributes positively to waste segregation and environmental outcomes (Baraldi et al., 2024). However, unlike previous studies focusing primarily on formal political representation, the present research demonstrates that environmental leadership also emerges informally through neighbourhood organisations, PKK groups, waste banks, and community environmental movements.

The findings suggest that women's participation in waste management extends far beyond household responsibilities. Women function simultaneously as environmental educators, waste managers, social mobilisers, community leaders, and agents of behavioural change. Through these interconnected roles, women create pathways linking household environmental practices with broader community sustainability initiatives. Consistent with Feminist Political Ecology, these findings demonstrate that environmental governance is not limited to formal institutions but is actively produced through everyday social practices, relationships, and community interactions. At the same time, the study extends FPE by showing that women are not merely recipients of gendered environmental responsibilities but active agents who transform domestic environmental labour into community leadership and environmental change

4.2 Barriers and challenges faced by women in community-based waste management

The second research question examined the barriers and challenges encountered by women in educating communities and promoting sustainable waste-management practices. The thematic analysis identified seven interconnected challenges: low public awareness, resistance to waste sorting, limited facilities and infrastructure, inconsistent community participation, lack of government support, difficulty changing community behaviour, and residents’ time constraints. Collectively, these themes accounted for 29.66% of all coded responses (Table 3), indicating that although women actively participate in waste management, they continue to encounter significant structural, cultural, and behavioural obstacles.

Feminist Political Ecology (FPE) conceptualizes environmental responsibilities as social practices embedded within power relations and gendered expectations rather than as purely technical activities (Rocheleau et al., 2013). Within this framework, socially constructed gender relations often assign women primary responsibility for environmental care and waste management in households and communities. However, women frequently perform these responsibilities under conditions of limited institutional support and unequal access to resources. Recent studies have similarly shown that women bear disproportionate environmental responsibilities while receiving insufficient structural support to carry out these roles effectively (Pakasi et al., 2024; Pewa et al., 2025).

The most frequently reported challenge was low public awareness (f = 12). Participants consistently described difficulties in convincing residents to recognise the importance of waste sorting, recycling, and environmental responsibility. Although women actively conducted environmental education and awareness campaigns, many community members continued to perceive waste management as a low-priority issue. NK explained:

“Changing people’s reluctance to sort waste, addressing the lack of education, overcoming limited facilities, and dealing with the absence of strict sanctions remain major challenges. In addition, residents’ inconsistency in maintaining waste management practices is a significant obstacle”.

Similarly, HH described strong community resistance during the early stages of programme implementation:

“Initially, we faced resistance from community members who did not fully understand the importance of waste segregation. Many would remark, ‘Ihh ko riweuh, naon sih meni harus milah kan ada mang sampah’ (Why make things so complicated? Why should we sort our waste when a waste collector is already available?)”.

These findings indicate that the primary challenge is not simply the availability of waste-management systems but the creation of environmental awareness and behavioural commitment among residents. This finding supports previous studies showing that public participation remains one of the most critical determinants of successful community-based waste management (Pambudi et al., 2025). Communities with low environmental awareness tend to demonstrate weaker participation in waste sorting and recycling programmes, reducing the effectiveness of community waste initiatives.

A closely related challenge was resistance to waste sorting (f = 9). Many participants reported that residents perceived waste segregation as inconvenient, time-consuming, and unnecessary. This resistance reflects the persistence of established household routines and the difficulty of changing long-standing disposal habits. According to HR:

“Some residents remain unwilling to separate their waste. Despite ongoing educational initiatives, behavioral change does not occur immediately for everyone”.

Likewise, MD explained that many residents believed waste sorting was unnecessary because they already paid regular waste-collection fees:

“Some residents perceive that paying a routine waste collection fee absolves them of the responsibility to separate their waste, leading them to view waste sorting as unnecessary”.

These findings suggest that environmental knowledge alone is not sufficient to change behavior; individuals must also perceive waste sorting as practical, beneficial, and socially supported. Previous research in Indonesia found that perceived ease of use and behavioral habits significantly influence participation in household waste sorting programs (Pambudi et al., 2025).

The findings further revealed that limited facilities and infrastructure (f = 7) significantly constrained women's efforts. Participants frequently mentioned inadequate waste bins, composting facilities, transportation systems, and waste-processing infrastructure. Although women often encouraged residents to sort waste, insufficient supporting facilities reduced programme effectiveness.

HS stated:

“There is a lack of waste processing facilities within the community due to limitations in space, funding, and regulatory permits”.

Similarly, HR explained:

“Limited facilities remain a major challenge, particularly for waste transportation and further processing.”

These findings indicate that environmental awareness alone cannot ensure successful waste management if supporting infrastructure remains inadequate. Community participation requires enabling conditions, including accessible collection systems, composting facilities, and waste-processing infrastructure. Recent studies on community-based waste governance similarly argue that community empowerment must be accompanied by adequate institutional and technical support to achieve sustainable outcomes.

Another important barrier concerned inconsistent community participation (f = 5). Participants noted that residents often showed enthusiasm during the initial stages of programmes but gradually reduced their involvement over time. Sustaining long-term commitment emerged as a significant challenge. NK explained:

“Residents’ inconsistency is also a major challenge. There are always some who ’susulumputan’ (hide their non-compliance or avoid participating in waste sorting practices)”.

Likewise, LNR reported:

“Extra effort is needed to maintain members’ commitment and ensure that they continue to regularly deposit their waste”.

This finding suggests that waste management is not a one-time intervention but a continuous social process requiring ongoing motivation and reinforcement. Research on participatory waste management has similarly demonstrated that maintaining participation over time remains one of the most difficult aspects of community-based environmental programmers.

The study also identified lack of government support (f = 4) as a recurring concern. Although many participants acknowledged receiving assistance from local governments, universities, and environmental organisations, they often described such support as limited, inconsistent, or insufficient to sustain long-term activities. BR noted:

“The incentives currently rely on community self-funding and have not yet received sustainable support from the government”.

Meanwhile, ES highlighted the importance of governmental recognition and support:

“Women volunteers need recognition from the government for their contributions”.

These findings reveal that women frequently act as environmental volunteers while relying heavily on personal commitment and community resources. Feminist Political Ecology scholars argue that environmental care work is often socially expected from women yet remains undervalued and insufficiently supported by institutions (Pakasi et al., 2024). Consequently, women may experience increased workloads without receiving corresponding recognition, resources, or decision-making authority.

Difficulty changing community behaviour (f = 3) emerged as another significant challenge. Participants repeatedly emphasised that behavioural transformation requires long-term educational efforts and cannot be achieved through short-term campaigns. EV explained:

“Educating the community about the importance of waste sorting cannot be accomplished in a short period of time; it requires a long-term and continuous process”.

Similarly, HS described behavioural change as a gradual process through his principle of:

“Force it, be able to do it, then make it a habit”.

This statement illustrates how new environmental habits often develop through repeated practice before eventually becoming routine behaviours. Such findings are consistent with social practice theory, which emphasises that behavioural change occurs through repeated interactions between knowledge, routines, social norms, and material conditions rather than through information provision alone.

Finally, residents’ time constraints (f = 3) were identified as a practical obstacle. Several participants explained that many residents worked long hours and therefore prioritised convenience over waste sorting activities. MD explained:

“Most community members are employed outside the home and therefore have limited time to engage in waste management activities”.

Similarly, ES stated:

“There is no time to sort waste because the waste collector regularly comes to pick it up”.

These findings suggest that participation in community-based waste management is strongly influenced by everyday livelihood demands. When residents perceive waste sorting as an additional burden, participation becomes less likely. Previous studies similarly found that time availability and perceived convenience significantly affect household participation in environmental programmes (Pambudi et al., 2025).

The findings demonstrate that the barriers faced by women extend beyond technical waste-management issues. The challenges identified in this study reflect broader socio-cultural, institutional, and behavioural constraints that shape environmental participation. Through the lens of Feminist Political Ecology, these findings reveal a persistent paradox: women are expected to become environmental educators, community mobilisers, and household waste managers, yet they must perform these responsibilities while confronting low public awareness, inadequate infrastructure, inconsistent participation, limited institutional support, and entrenched behavioural norms. Similar patterns have been observed in Indonesia where environmental responsibility is frequently feminised while structural support remains insufficient.

4.3 Strategies to optimise women's roles in sustainable waste management

The third research question explored strategies that can strengthen and optimise women's contributions to sustainable waste management. The thematic analysis identified eight interrelated strategies: continuous environmental training, collaboration with PKK, neighbourhood organisations (RW/RT), and stakeholders, practical community-based education, incentive and reward systems, digital environmental campaigns, strengthening women's environmental networks, school- and child-based environmental education, and community recognition and appreciation. Together, these themes accounted for 31.03% of all coded responses (Table 3), indicating that participants viewed women's environmental participation not as an individual effort, but as a process requiring continuous capacity building, institutional support, social recognition, and collaborative governance.

Feminist Political Ecology (FPE) argues that environmental participation is shaped by individuals’ access to resources, knowledge, social networks, and decision-making opportunities (Rocheleau et al., 2013). Accordingly, strengthening women's environmental roles requires more than simply encouraging participation; it requires creating enabling conditions that support women's agency, leadership, and environmental stewardship. The findings of this study indicate that training opportunities, collaborative networks, incentive mechanisms, and supportive social structures can significantly enhance women's capacity to influence environmental behaviour and contribute to community-based waste management initiatives.

The most frequently mentioned strategy was continuous environmental training (f = 9). Participants consistently emphasised that environmental education should not be limited to one-time awareness campaigns but should instead involve regular training that develops practical skills in waste sorting, composting, recycling, waste-bank management, and community facilitation. NK explained:

“Participants identified several effective strategies, including sustained training programs, incentive-based waste bank schemes, collaboration with community organizations such as PKK and RT/RW, digital awareness campaigns, and the provision of adequate facilities and infrastructure, given that effective waste management fundamentally depends on waste segregation at the source”.

Similarly, HR stated:

“Ongoing training programs for women are crucial for strengthening their knowledge, skills, and capacity to participate effectively in waste management initiatives.”

AH also highlighted the importance of technical training:

“We offer training in maggot cultivation as a means of transforming organic waste into a potential source of household income”.

These findings indicate that women's participation becomes more sustainable when accompanied by opportunities to acquire environmental knowledge and practical competencies. Training programmes not only increase technical capabilities but also strengthen confidence, leadership skills, and community influence. Recent studies have similarly shown that continuous environmental capacity-building programmes significantly improve women's effectiveness as environmental educators and community leaders (Arya and Shukla, 2025; Pewa et al., 2025). Moreover, capacity development enables women to move beyond routine household waste management toward more strategic roles in environmental governance and community decision-making.

Another prominent strategy involved collaboration with PKK, neighbourhood organisations (RW/RT), government agencies, universities, and private-sector stakeholders (f = 8). Participants repeatedly emphasised that sustainable waste management cannot be achieved by individuals acting alone. Instead, successful environmental initiatives require collaborative partnerships that connect communities with institutional resources and technical support. HS explained:

“We encourage collaboration among various stakeholders, including the government, neighborhood associations (RW), PKK, community groups, universities, and corporate social responsibility (CSR) programs”.

Likewise, NK highlighted the importance of:

“Collaboration among local government agencies, local communities, government programs, and community self-help initiatives is essential”.

The experiences of Bank Sampah Bumi Sariwangi further illustrate the importance of collaboration. Both MD and LNR described receiving support from universities such as UPI, POLBAN, and Telkom University through community-service programmes, digitalisation assistance, and environmental education initiatives. These findings support collaborative governance theory, which argues that environmental problems are best addressed through partnerships involving governments, civil society organisations, educational institutions, and local communities. Recent studies have similarly found that multi-stakeholder collaboration significantly improves the sustainability of community-based waste-management programmes (Salsabila et al., 2024). Collaboration provides access to funding, expertise, training opportunities, and policy support that individual communities often cannot obtain independently.

Practical community-based education (f = 7) also emerged as a critical strategy. Participants consistently emphasised that environmental education is most effective when residents directly experience waste-management practices rather than simply receiving information. HH explained:

“Direct door-to-door education, delivered in simple language, combined with practical demonstrations and a persuasive approach, was considered an effective strategy for engaging community members”.

Similarly, HS described:

“The program employed a data-based door-to-door approach that integrated household profiling, educational outreach, and household labeling to monitor and encourage waste segregation practices”.

These findings suggest that environmental learning is most effective when embedded within everyday community experiences. Rather than relying solely on formal training sessions, women frequently employ demonstration-based approaches, household visits, mentoring, and direct practice to encourage behavioural change. Such findings align with recent environmental education research demonstrating that experiential and community-based learning generates stronger and more enduring behavioural outcomes than information-based approaches alone (Kim, 2024).

The importance of incentive and reward systems (f = 6) was another notable finding. Participants frequently described how economic incentives, recognition programmes, and waste-bank savings schemes motivate residents to participate in environmental initiatives. NK emphasised:

“There is a need for a system of rewards and penalties”.

Meanwhile, ES noted:

“Savings generated through the waste bank can serve as an incentive for volunteers to become more actively involved”.

Similarly, HH described using environmental stickers to recognise households that actively sort waste:

“Households that practice waste sorting are given stickers as a distinguishing marker and to motivate other residents”.

These findings demonstrate that environmental participation is influenced not only by environmental awareness but also by social and economic incentives. Recognition and rewards help transform waste management from an obligation into a valued community activity. Recent studies on waste-bank sustainability similarly found that incentive systems improve participation rates, strengthen long-term commitment, and encourage behavioural consistency (Warsiyah et al., 2025).

Another emerging strategy involved digital environmental campaigns (f = 4). Participants increasingly recognised the potential of social media and digital communication platforms to expand environmental awareness beyond local communities. MD explained:

“In the future, BSW Waste Bank is expected to enhance its educational efforts through digital platforms by utilizing social media, such as creating posters and educational videos on waste management”.

Likewise, HS described using:

“Flyers, WhatsApp groups, and other digital media are used to deliver environmental messages”.

These findings indicate that digital technologies can complement traditional face-to-face education methods. Digital platforms provide opportunities to disseminate environmental information more widely, share success stories, recruit volunteers, and connect environmental communities across geographical boundaries. Previous studies have similarly reported that digital environmental campaigns can significantly increase environmental awareness and public participation, particularly among younger generations (Firdaus et al., 2025).

The strengthening of women's environmental networks (f = 4) also emerged as an important strategy. Participants frequently highlighted the value of women supporting one another through community organisations, waste-bank associations, PKK groups, and environmental networks. AH suggested:

“Strengthening networks among women’s groups”.

Similarly, MD proposed:

“Environmental women cadres can be established in each neighborhood unit to educate local residents”.

The findings indicate that women's networks serve as important channels for exchanging knowledge, sharing experiences, and sustaining motivation. Such networks also create opportunities for collective action and leadership development. Feminist Political Ecology scholars argue that environmental agency is often strengthened through collective forms of organisation that enable women to mobilise resources and amplify their voices within environmental governance structures (Stephens et al., 2018).

School and child-based environmental education (f = 4) represented another significant strategy. Participants repeatedly emphasised the importance of introducing environmental values to children at an early age. NK explained:

“Involving children in proper waste disposal practices and introducing them to waste bank savings can help build early environmental awareness and responsible behavior”.

Similarly, HH stressed:

“Children should also be involved from an early age to foster environmental awareness”.

EV further described how environmental education was integrated into daycare activities:

“We educate children in the community to participate in proper waste sorting and waste management practices”.

These findings suggest that environmental transformation is more sustainable when behavioural change begins during childhood. Environmental habits learned early in life are more likely to persist into adulthood. Recent studies similarly highlight the importance of integrating environmental education into schools and family settings to foster long-term pro-environmental behaviour (Firdaus et al., 2025; Kim, 2024).

Finally, community recognition and appreciation (f = 3) emerged as an important but often overlooked strategy. Participants argued that environmental volunteers, particularly women, frequently contribute substantial time and effort without receiving adequate recognition. ES stated:

“Women volunteers need recognition from the government, one form of which is the provision of uniforms as an official identity”.

Similarly, BR emphasised:

“Women need to be empowered and have their roles recognized by the system”.

This finding reflects a broader issue identified within Feminist Political Ecology literature: women's environmental contributions are often essential yet insufficiently acknowledged. Recognition serves not only as motivation but also as a mechanism for increasing the visibility and legitimacy of women's environmental leadership. Recent research suggests that formal recognition can strengthen volunteer retention, enhance community legitimacy, and encourage broader participation in environmental programmes (Pakasi et al., 2024).

Overall, the findings demonstrate that optimising women's roles in sustainable waste management requires a multidimensional approach that combines capacity building, collaboration, incentives, networking, environmental education, and institutional recognition. Consistent with Feminist Political Ecology, women's environmental agency is strengthened when they gain access to knowledge, resources, social support, and leadership opportunities. The findings further suggest that women should not be viewed solely as implementers of waste-management activities but as environmental leaders capable of shaping community norms, mobilising collective action, and driving broader sustainability transformations. Consequently, policies aimed at improving community-based waste management should move beyond awareness-raising campaigns and invest in long-term strategies that empower women as central actors in environmental governance and sustainable urban development.

5 Conclusion

This study explored women's participation, the barriers they face, and the strategies required to strengthen their roles in community-based waste management in Bandung, Indonesia. The findings demonstrate that women play a central role throughout the waste-management cycle, ranging from household waste sorting, waste-bank management, and organic waste processing to leadership within community environmental initiatives. Women function not merely as waste managers but as environmental educators, community mobilisers, and local leaders who facilitate behavioural change within households and neighbourhoods.

The study further reveals that women's contributions are shaped by several persistent challenges. The most significant barriers include low public awareness regarding waste management, resistance to waste sorting, limited facilities and infrastructure, inconsistent community participation, inadequate institutional support, difficulties in changing long-established disposal habits, and residents’ time constraints. These findings suggest that the success of community-based waste management depends not only on technical systems but also on continuous social and behavioural transformation. To strengthen women's contributions, the findings highlight several key strategies: continuous environmental training, collaboration among women's groups, neighbourhood organisations, government agencies, universities, and private-sector stakeholders, practical community-based environmental education, incentive and reward mechanisms, digital environmental campaigns, strengthening women's environmental networks, school-based environmental education, and public recognition of women's environmental contributions. These strategies indicate that sustainable waste management requires a multi-stakeholder approach that simultaneously addresses environmental knowledge, social participation, institutional support, and gender empowerment.

The findings reinforce the Feminist Political Ecology framework by demonstrating that women's environmental participation is closely linked to socially constructed gender roles, environmental knowledge, and community power relations. However, rather than portraying women solely as environmental caretakers, this study highlights their agency as active leaders capable of driving environmental transformation, community learning, and local sustainability initiatives. Therefore, women should be recognised not only as beneficiaries of environmental policies but also as strategic actors in sustainable waste governance.

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