Aquatic food production depends on maintaining biodiversity and healthy ecosystems (Hoegh-Guldberg et al., 2023). However, changes in the climate, and in biodiversity, are significantly affecting the parameters of aquaculture and small-scale fisheries food systems, and the ways in which these systems function. For instance, climate change is manifesting itself in different ways in fishing environments. Increasingly violent storms are harming fisheries and coastal habitats (WWF, 2019).

Considerable theoretical work has been conducted on framing and understanding resilience in ecosystems (Folke, 2006; Anderies et al., 2013). A key focus is understanding adaptative capacity in socio-ecological systems. This refers to the ability of individuals, households, and communities to adapt to, and transform, their livelihoods (Bryan et al., 2023). To develop adaptive capacity, women and men require agency: the power to make decisions and act on them. However, multiple researchers note that women’s low agency at household and community level frequently constrains their ability adapt their fishing and fishing-related livelihoods (such as processing) in the face of climate risks, or to build stronger, more diversified portfolios of livelihoods that could increase their and their families’ future resilience to social or environmental shocks (Rabbanee et al., 2012; Morgan et al., 2015; Moser, 2015; Jørstad and Webersik, 2016; Manyungwa et al., 2019; Thomas et al., 2019; WWF, 2019; Treviño and Murillo-Sandoval, 2021; Sultana et al., 2022).

The development of adaptive capacity relies on inclusion in training and information networks. Knowledge and understanding about the likely effects of climate change on aquatic food systems, for instance, are a prerequisite to changing behavior and evidence-driven livelihood planning.

However, although global policy guidance for aquaculture and small-scale fisheries acknowledges the importance of developing gender-equitable knowledge processes, in practice men rather than women are targeted (Baker-Médard, 2017; Kleiber et al., 2017; FAO, 2018; Rohe et al., 2018; Lawless et al., 2019; Nunan and Cepić, 2020). The marginalization of women is partly driven by gender-blind data acquisition processes. Gender analysis in 17 countries conducted by the Illuminating Hidden Harvest project (FAO, Duke University, and WorldFish, 2023) demonstrates how ‘sexist data structures’ which do not disaggregate, analyze, and act upon sex-and gender data contribute directly to gender-blind environmental and climate policies. Lack of data on what women do in aquaculture and small-scale fisheries mean women become invisibilized and thus hard to find. This in turn leads to aquatic food systems becoming framed as ‘men’s domain’ (Atkins et al., 2021; Harper et al., 2023).

Another challenge to women’s inclusion is the widespread lack of policy and institutional capability to implement gender-equitable policies, strategies, and training. Ministries of Fisheries and other relevant development partners often lack sufficient gender-aware, well-trained staff with responsibilities for implementation, insufficient funding and a lack of monitoring and evaluation mechanisms (Bryan et al., 2018; Jentoft and Chuenpagdee, 2019).

Although the global picture remains bleak, some policymakers and donors are beginning to integrate gender-sensitive environmental considerations into their fisheries planning processes as evidenced in the Solomon Islands (Lawless et al., 2017), Ghana (Mutimukuru-Maravanyika et al., 2017), and Zanzibar (Gopal et al., 2020). Successes include an evaluation of a participatory climate-smart aquaculture intervention in Bangladesh. Participants indicated that the framing of women as fish farmers facilitated their stronger involvement in decision-making around livelihood planning (Colga et al., 2019).

Technologies are self-evidently a major driver in food systems and will continue to be so with the advent of climate change, pandemics, and other challenges. Yet the promise of technology is more often reaped by men than women because technologies are more often directed toward men’s, rather than women’s, roles in aquaculture and small-scale fisheries. Indeed, almost all aquatic food system technologies such as the diesel engines to power fishing vessels, fishing net machinery, and other fishing gears have been primarily developed for tasks normatively undertaken by men in most fishing communities (Williams and Syddall, 2022). Consequently, men typically end up being the main beneficiaries of new technologies, with women often finding it difficult to learn about and access them due to lack of targeting (Kusakabe and Thongprasert, 2022). This leaves women in the position of creating their own technologies, for example using mosquito nets for fishing (Short et al., 2020).

Targeting women with appropriate aquaculture and small-scale fisheries technologies is essential, though they need to be introduced in conjunction with behavioral change approaches that support women as breadwinners alongside men. In the absence of such approaches, men sometimes take control over fish when new technologies boost profitability (Kruijssen et al., 2016). In Bangladesh, for instance, women-only fish polyculture programs worsened intra-household gender asset inequalities because men assumed control over the new resources (Scarborough et al., 2017). Conversely, in Malawi men did not protest about women being targeted with solar dryers to reduce post-harvest fish losses. However, most women could not afford to buy the dryers, even when multiple families tried to contribute monies (Chiwaula et al., 2018).

Appropriate leadership and inclusive governance at local and global levels are critical for the development of gender-equitable aquatic food systems. Socially just policies improve livelihoods, reduce poverty, and contribute to ensuring food security at the micro- and macro-levels (Escobar and Puskur, 2014; Aregu et al., 2018a). Globally, several frameworks aim to ensure secure tenure, user and access rights to small-scale fisheries and aquaculture. They include the Committee on Food Security’s Principles for Responsible Investment in Agriculture and Food Systems; the Committee on Food Security Voluntary Guidelines for Responsible Governance of Land, Fisheries and Forests in the Context of National Food Security; the Voluntary Guidelines for Securing Sustainable Small-Scale Fisheries; and the FAO Voluntary Guidelines to Support the Progressive Realization of the Right to Adequate Food in the Context of National Food Security (FAO, 2020). Even though these instruments support a human-rights-based approach that reinforces good governance, participation, consultation, inclusiveness, and transparency, much remains to be done on the ground to enact the recommendations made by these policies and frameworks.

At community level, for instance, women rarely participate in fisheries or aquaculture management committees. Frequently, local gender norms mean that women are not expected to attend such meetings (Hao, 2012; Solano et al., 2021). Even women who have inherited or otherwise acquired fisheries resources can find it hard to exercise their decision-making rights in community level meetings, for example in Bangladesh (Choudhury et al., 2017).

Turning to economic drivers, aquaculture and small-scale fisheries provide highly nutritious food and have the potential to play an important role in promoting equitable economic growth for the rural poor (FAO, 2020). These sub-sectors support an estimated 250 million people through income and employment, thereby helping to attain SDG 1 (end poverty in all its forms), SDG 2 (zero hunger), and SDG 8 (sustained, inclusive, and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment, and decent work for all) (FAO, 2020). It is estimated (see remarks above regarding data limitations) that women comprise 19% of aquaculture and 11% of fisheries workers globally (FAO, 2018). Women contribute to large and small-scale fisheries, as well as commercial and homestead aquaculture. However, most women actors are confined to less lucrative nodes of the value chain. This includes limited fish-farming (particularly in homestead aquaculture), processing and small-scale retail. Men dominate as fishers and as the owners of aquaculture ventures, provide inputs such as fish seed (eggs, etc.) and fish feed, and are more likely to market fish to large buyers (Kruijssen et al., 2018). In South India, gender per se is not the main issue in some locations. Rather, competition with more powerful marketing actors is serving to marginalize women in the fish value chain (Aswathy and Kalpana, 2018).

Socio-cultural, gender and religious norms influence what women can do and the challenges they face. Women are frequently limited to activities and fishing methods considered to be suitable for women, for example, fishing in small pools of water along rivers, seaweed farming, mud-crab fishing, oyster farming, inland-waters fishing, and gleaning (Szuster et al., 2008; Thorpe et al., 2014; Moser, 2015; Cuaton, 2019; Thomas et al., 2019). Traditional beliefs, taboos, and superstitions can prevent women in some locations from fishing in the sea or entering water bodies. In South Africa these taboos are associated with clothing, as fisher women are expected to cover their bodies extensively regardless of the heat, to be respected by their male counterparts (Cele, 2020). In Kenya women can be banned from fishing during menstruation, as they are considered to not be “clean,” which would upset the water gods (Kamau and Ngigi, 2013). Until a few decades ago, in countries such as Norway, France and Greece, the mere presence of women in a boat meant “bad fishing luck” (Frangoudes and Gerrard, 2019). But even nowadays, in many developed and developing countries, the presence of women in fishing activities is still discouraged due to the belief that this “bad luck” would negatively affect harvest (Williams et al., 2005; Monfort, 2015). In Vietnam, this “bad luck” still prevents omen from entering hatcheries or fishing in the sea (Brugere et al., 2001).

Gender norms that frame women primarily as homemakers, rather than as generators of income, mean that women who do work outside the home on fisheries-related enterprises can suffer from negative sanctioning (Cislaghi and Heise, 2020). For instance, in Indonesia, women who work as shrimp operators and milkfish processors benefit financially yet incur negative social judgements. They can find it hard to manage their other responsibilities, such as household and care work, and the personal security risks of their work (Sari et al., 2017).

Gender norms frequently serve to limit women’s mobility (Muñoz Boudet et al., 2012). In many countries, women are restricted from traveling to local and regional markets to sell their produce, and thus need to sell from the beach or farm gate. In such cases, they are more likely to be price-takers than price-setters, and thus have lower incomes (De and Pandey, 2014; Deb et al., 2015; Lawless et al., 2019; Githukia et al., 2020; Haque et al., 2020). One way of negotiating around mobility constraints is to use mobile banking apps. A project in Bangladesh strengthened women’s agency and control over income during the three-month fishing ban by enabling women to work from home knitting toys and clothing for export (Choudhury and Tanzina, 2020).

Population growth, accelerating urbanization, migration, and forced displacement impact food systems. Depending on why people migrate, the outcomes can either advance women’s empowerment by increasing their autonomy and decision making, enhancing access to economic opportunities, and exposing them to different cultures and ideas or further constrain household food security by loss of labor or disrupting their social networks (Farnworth et al., 2016; Choudhury et al., 2017; Lawless et al., 2017, 2019).

Seasonal male outmigration can catalyze women’s empowerment over the longer-term and it can lead to women taking on some hitherto “male” roles in aquatic foods value chains (Kwashimbisa and Puskur, 2014; Deb et al., 2015; Turgo, 2015). It can also lead to the potential for alternative livelihood options. For instance, in Thailand, parents who migrate to work in the fishing industry send part of their income home to educate their children, thus generating a cadre of educated young women and men with options for better-paying jobs in urban areas (GAF, 2020). In Bangladesh, men’s seasonal outmigration can contribute to greater autonomy for women, increased decision-making power, and a relaxation in gender norms as women remaining in the rural areas take on male roles (Farnworth et al., 2015; Aregu et al., 2018b).

In other cases, male outmigration can reinforce traditional gender roles in ways which are detrimental to women’s empowerment (Lawless et al., 2019). For instance, male outmigration can leave women overburdened with the responsibility of managing fisheries and aquaculture activities (Brugere et al., 2001; Shibru and Flintan, 2010; Deb et al., 2015; Okyere Nyako et al., 2015). In some cases, men do not return, leaving women to become de facto heads of household and turning them into primary breadwinners alongside their time-consuming household and care activities (Williams et al., 2005; Appiah et al., 2020). In other cases, women, and men both out migrate, either seasonally or for longer periods. Yet although outmigration can enable both women and men to pursue professional careers. For instance, in countries like Vietnam daughters are often expected to return at some point to take care of their parents (GAF, 2020). In other cases, women who migrate to live with their husbands’ risk losing their often-marginal inheritance rights and decision-making power of the assets they access and control in their communities and suffer further marginalization due to their ‘migrant’ status (Matsue et al., 2014; Cole et al., 2016; Agarwal, 2018).

A value chain comprises the full range of activities required to bring a product or service from conception, through different phases of production such as processing to final consumers, and final disposal after use. Value chains are not linear, but rather are a complex network of activities and linkages among different actors. The term “chain” should be considered as a metaphor for connectedness. The term “value” refers to the value added to the product at each stage of the chain as well as the value captured by the various actors involved.¹ Women are involved in all aspects of aquatic foods value chains. Globally, an estimated 21% of all workers in the fisheries and aquaculture value chains are women (FAO, IFAD, WFP, CGIAR Gender Impact Platform, 2023).

Food environments at located at the interface of food systems and consumption (FAO, 2016). The food environment encompasses food availability; affordability; promotion, advertising, and information; and quality and safety (Herforth and Ahmed, 2015). It describes the physical, economic, political, and socio-cultural context within which consumers engage with the food system to make their decisions about acquiring, preparing, and consuming food (HLPE (High Level Panel of Experts on Food Security and Nutrition), 2017).

Fish are an important source of micronutrients to counter micronutrient deficiencies, often termed ‘hidden hunger’. This refers to a (deficiency in vitamins, minerals, and in some cases essential amino or fatty acids) (Tacon and Metian, 2013). The importance of fish to child and maternal nutrition is widely recognized (Lauritzen and Carlson, 2011; Michaelsen et al., 2011; Sioen et al., 2017).

As noted in the introduction, women’s roles and contributions to small-scale fisheries and aquaculture have historically been overlooked and undervalued (Harper et al., 2013; Lentisco and Lee, 2015; Alonso-Población and Siar, 2018), though recognition is increasing. It remains the case, though, that women are poorly integrated into governance systems – such as community meetings, cooperative societies, and policy-making bodies. As a consequence, women are often weakly represented as participants and leaders in such forums (Kruijssen et al., 2018; Cole et al., 2020). For instance, in many countries’ fisheries governance bodies do not include women harvesting seafood. This is because they are not considered ‘fishers’ due to the species they harvest (e.g., mussels, seaweed, snails) or the fishing methods they use (e.g., gleaning). Leaving women out means it is difficult for them to comply with fishing regulations, to properly understand the rationale behind them, and indeed to provide evidence of their own needs (Diei-Ouadi et al., 2015; Short et al., 2020).

In Malawi, studies by Manyungwa et al. (2019) and FISH (CGIAR Research Program on Aquatic Agricultural Systems) (2015) found that women’s participation in decision making committees on fisheries resource management is minimal since men often hold most of the leadership positions due to normative power relations that privilege men’s voice, and the underlying cultural attitude that fishing is a “macho” activity for men. Given their general lack of participation, or lowly positions that women hold in such committees, they do not have much influence on decisions made by beach village committees (BVCs) (Manyungwa et al., 2019). This finding is echoed by Biswas (2017), who finds that women’s low-level positions in formal governance structures often make it difficult for them to influence key decisions affecting their environment and livelihoods. Another reason for women’s exclusion can be their weak access to, and control over, key fisheries resources. This in turn restricts their voice because they are not considered fisheries players without these resources. In Homabay County, Kenya, for instance, women do not own such resources and therefore men dominate decision-making processes around how to manage fisheries resources (Abwao and Awuor, 2019).

However, in some location’s women have secured participation in decision-making spaces through strengthening their skills and knowledge about aquaculture and small-scale fisheries. In Bangladesh, including women in farmer field schools around aquaculture production in household ponds strongly improved their decision-making power (Farnworth et al., 2016; Colga et al., 2019). In other cases, women workers in fishing industries engage in collective action and mobilization through their participation in social networks, unions, cooperatives, and self-help groups to improve working conditions, advocate for their rights, and increase their participation in decision making (Sogbesan et al., 2016; Alonso-Población and Siar, 2018; Gallardo-Fernández and Saunders, 2018). For instance, a study in Ghana identified the importance of the formation of social networks among women involved in post-harvest fishing activities to increase their access to financing opportunities and improve governance schemes (Appiah et al., 2020). In Mexico, women’s participation in small-scale fisheries organizations was found to be closely linked to an increase in gender equality and the improvement of leadership capacities of other women in the sector (Torre et al., 2019).

Although women can be penalized by their families and communities for their participation, many women gain confidence, leadership, and public speaking skills by engaging in these initiatives (Veuthey and Gerber, 2012; Nunan and Cepić, 2020).

In some cases, men accept the presence of women in decision-making committees provided women participants are fewer than men. This is the case in fishing communities around Lake Victoria (Kenya and Tanzania) (Nunan and Cepić, 2020). Around Lake Malawi, Beach Village Committees have traditionally been dominated by male fishers. Efforts to broaden representation of actors across the value chain has helped to improve the representation of women, who dominate fish processing and trading. Their participation is helping to improve discussion around the adoption of fisheries regulations, licensing and record keeping of fishing gear and boats, and management of their beach and fishing area (Hara and Njaya, 2016).

Access to and control over resources are intimately connected with the ability of women to exercise their agency and to participate effectively in aquaculture and small-scale fisheries (TNC, 2020; Elias et al., 2023).

Studies show significant gender discrepancies in the ownership and access to assets and resources (Olufayo, 2012; Johnson et al., 2016; Kruijssen et al., 2018).

Women require access to fishing grounds and aquaculture ponds. Yet they may encounter barriers due to socio-cultural matters that restrict their mobility, thereby limiting their involvement in fishing activities (Bradford and Katikiro, 2019). In some cases, access to fishing and aquaculture zones are controlled by male-dominated community structures or commercial interests, resulting in women’s exclusion (McClenachan and Moulton, 2022). This in turn closes an income-generation opportunity for women and thereby can reduce their household’s well-being as well as reducing women’s overall resilience to the wider drivers of change discussed above (Sadiq et al., 2020).

Women in aquaculture and small-scale fisheries often face difficulties in obtaining credit to invest in their businesses (Lentisco and Lee, 2015). Financial institutions generally favor men because they view women as higher-risk borrowers. Women’s limited control over property and land ownership can hinder their access to collateral and thus to sources of credit (Nabayunga et al., 2021).

Access to, and control over, boats, fishing gears, and processing facilities, is a core challenge for women (Mutia et al., 2020). In many cases, these assets are controlled by men or held collectively by fishing communities, with limited opportunities for women to own or manage them (Torell et al., 2021). For instance, in the Homabay region of Kenya most boat owners are men (FAO, IFAD, WFP, CGIAR Gender Impact Platform, 2023). Women’s lack of access and control hampers their ability to obtain sufficient product, negotiate fair prices for their products, and generally limits their ability to secure a larger share of the value chain benefits.

Finally, women have weaker access to training and extension services they need to build their technical knowledge and skills – such as in fish culture, hatchery management, and marketing (Salazar et al., 2023). Apart from their general invisibility in the sector, gender norms may directly hamper women from engaging with male extension personnel. Gender biases in the Ministries of Fisheries and Aquaculture frequently contribute to a shortage of female extension personnel (Veliu et al., 2009; Quisumbing and Pandolfelli, 2010).

Gender norms are systemic and pervasive. They frequently frame women’s contributions to aquaculture and small-scale fisheries as part of their domestic responsibilities rather than as professional, income generation tasks (Gopal et al., 2014; Kruijssen et al., 2016; Legros and Cislaghi, 2020; Jayachandran, 2021). Women’s invisibilization may be reinforced by gender norms which privilege male-dominated decision-making at the household as well as community level (Cornwall, 2003; Dyer, 2018). Therefore, women are often denied a chance to voice their gender needs and ideas, and to talk about their concerns, and potential ways forward. This in turn not only reduces their potential benefits from their participation in aquatic food systems, but it can also limit their adaptive capacity.

Socio-cultural and religious norms can differ between communities in the same geographic space. Divergent norms regarding the roles and responsibilities of women in Hindu and Muslim communities of Bangladesh had an impact on their participation in the aquaculture value chain (Kruijssen et al., 2016). In Melanesia, harmful gender norms increase the likelihood that women, youth, and other economically disadvantaged groups in small-scale fisheries are disregarded in community discussions, and when incentives like funding, training, and employment opportunities are provided (Mangubhai and Lawless, 2022).

Gender equality policies and governance are crucial in promoting equitable and inclusive development in aquatic food systems (Mangubhai and Lawless, 2022). However, several challenges exist in implementing and ensuring the effectiveness of these policies. One challenge is the lack of gender-responsive policies and regulatory frameworks (Adam et al., 2021). Gender considerations are often overlooked or insufficiently integrated into fisheries and aquaculture policies, plans, and regulations. This contributes to gender-blind approaches that fail to address the specific needs, roles, and challenges faced by women (Bradford and Katikiro, 2019). Gender-blind policies hinder women’s access to resources, decision making power, and economic opportunities, perpetuating gender inequalities (Adam et al., 2022).

In Bangladesh women with shaded household ponds (which are challenging to work with) were trained in groups to become citizen scientists alongside technical training. They learned about different fish species and how they interact with each other, stocking densities, feed, pond management and other skills. Women then decided upon their management strategies for their individual ponds, and shared lessons and challenges regularly in group meetings (Farnworth et al., 2015). In Myanmar, the inclusion of poor young women in sustainable small-scale aquaculture interventions addressed their need for more cheap, nutritious food. The project promoted an integrated polyculture system where non-traditional fish species with high nutritional value were incorporated into their ponds. Training on stock management was provided together with integrated vegetable farming on the bunds. This strengthened household food availability and reduced seasonal food insecurity by providing year–round access to fish and vegetables (Aregu et al., 2017).

In Zambia, training programs to teach women together with men in technologies to reduce post-harvest losses was accompanied by gender-transformative approaches to address harmful masculinities in the fish value chain. The project worked with men and women fishers, processors, and traders using participatory action research methods – drama skits to provoke discussion around gender norms and their effects. Baseline research was conducted with participants to explore gender differences in their involvement in value chain activities, asset ownership, income generation, and attitudes about gender roles and responsibilities in the value chain. This information to develop and test improved fish processing technologies as well as significant attitudinal and behavioral changes and contributed to important women’s empowerment outcomes (Kaminski and Cole, 2017; Cole et al., 2020). In Melanesia, some organizations partner with men and boys to tackle detrimental gender stereotypes and foster gender transformative approaches in aquatic food systems (Mangubhai and Lawless, 2022).

In the Caribbean, the Gender in Fisheries Team (GIFT), a group of individuals interested in gender issues in Caribbean small-scale fisheries – including officers from governmental agencies, scientists, and fisher group leaders – aim to integrate gender perspectives into national and regional fisheries policies (Chuenpagdee and Jentoft, 2019).

Interventions to strengthen women’s collective action are important. Women frequently form networks, associations, and cooperatives to collectively address challenges and pursue common goals (Alonso-Población and Siar, 2018). These collective actions have proven effective in enhancing women’s bargaining power, improving access to resources and markets, and fostering social solidarity. Through collective action, women have been able to challenge gender norms, advocate for their rights, and promote gender-responsive policies and practices in aquatic food systems (Torre et al., 2019).

Gender inequalities in value chains can be redressed through partnerships and collaborations. Action research in Egypt found that horizontal integration among poor, illiterate women retailers is effective in bolstering their bargaining power (Kruijssen et al., 2018). Women and men in Malawi are increasingly using new Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) such as mobile phones to negotiate prices with potential buyers located in markets far away, to order fishing equipment from suppliers, and to develop a stronger understanding of how to manage supply and demand (Haambiya et al., 2020).

Aquaculture expansion is anticipated to drive the creation of approximately 76 million new jobs worldwide between 2010 and 2050 (Waite et al., 2014; FISH (CGIAR Research Program on Fish Agri-Food Systems), 2017). However, this growth trajectory should prioritize socio-environmental sustainability. Fisheries should strive for equitable resource distribution among vulnerable populations while advocating for sustainable practices that safeguard marine biodiversity (Cole et al., 2014; Mutimukuru-Maravanyika et al., 2017; GAF, 2019). Avadí et al. (2022) conducted a study revealing the positive economic impact of the aquaculture value chain in Zambia. Notably, large-scale cage producers were found to contribute significantly to direct value added (67%) and the creation of salaried positions (constituting 70% of total wages) in the country. Economic growth and jobs depend on the large players, and the larger-scale commercial sector can continue to grow and generate economic benefits for the country. In Korea, the aquaculture sector has larger employment-inducing effects than the capture fisheries (Lee and Yoo, 2014).

Men benefit more than women in access and perceived value of fish when harvesting aquatic foods implying a gender gap in opportunities and benefits within the fishing industry (Rajaratnam et al., 2015). Furthermore, men tend to alter their primary occupation to diversify their income sources while relying on women’s livelihood strategies when fish catches decrease (Mozumder et al., 2018). Women’s income gained through paid work in post-harvest activities increases their purchasing power, financial freedom, confidence, and respect from their spouses, as seen in Bangladesh and Indonesia (Choudhury et al., 2017; Sari et al., 2017). Paid work also strengthens women’s human and social capital and, consequently their self-esteem. In Malawi’s SSFs, post-harvest activities empowered women as value chain participants, and instilled hope and confidence among women that they could improve their supply chain activities for their families (Manyungwa et al., 2019).

Aquatic food system growth needs to be socially and environmentally sound. Fisheries should be able to provide equal access to resources among vulnerable groups while promoting sustainable practices that protect marine biodiversity (Cole et al., 2014; Mutimukuru-Maravanyika et al., 2017; GAF, 2019).

Co-management schemes in marine protected areas aim to create buy-in from local communities to enforce and regulate coastal and marine resources while generating a positive perception of the marine protected areas are important for protecting fish stocks (Kleiber et al., 2018). To improve the gender-responsiveness of their environmental work, the Danajon Bank ²(key to the management of marine protected areas) in the Central Philippines involved men and women from local communities as part of a national strategy to conserve coastal and marine resources. However, despite some achievements, women were less likely to actively participate in meetings (Kleiber et al., 2018).

At a global level women leader have been instrumental in initiating and implementing projects focused on environmental conservation. Women were actively involved in Mexico’s long-standing efforts to prepare for the Rio Earth Summit through the Cancun Conference and Declaration, which resulted in the FAO Code of Responsible Fisheries, alongside other international initiatives. Women attained ministerial positions during this time (Williams et al., 2005).

Gender-transformative change requires building individual and collective agency. At the individual level, it is about strengthening people’s critical awareness and dignity (power within) and their capabilities and aspirations (power to). Transformation requires that these grow together into cooperative forms of action (power with) to challenge and transform harmful gender norms, unequal power relations, and discriminatory structures (Hillenbrand et al., 2015; Alonso-Población and Siar, 2018). These activities need to be backed up with investments in women’s capacity at all levels in aquatic food systems. Otherwise, power relations will not change in any meaningful way. Specific recommendations include:

To strengthen women’s capacity through other mechanisms:

The literature review shows that business as usual is failing women. Simply introducing new technologies, or creating gender-equitable guidelines, will not lead to change. Gender-transformative approaches are an important way forward. They work with men and women to develop gender-equitable norms (Farnworth et al., 2018; FAO, IFAD, WFP, CGIAR Gender Impact Platform, 2023; Rietveld et al., 2023). Gender-transformative approaches are best introduced in combination with innovation bundles (e.g., new fish species, improved feed, solar tent driers, fish salting, and fuel-efficient smoking). It is important that participants see associations between improved gender equity in their communities and homes, and improved technical outcomes (Cole et al., 2020; OECD, 2021).

Work needs to continue strengthening institutional capacities and promoting gender-sensitive data collection and analysis to inform evidence-based policymaking (Golo and Erinosho, 2023).