Abstract
Recent social neuroscientific evidence indicates that implicit and explicit inferences on the mind of another person (i.e., intentions, attributions or traits), are subserved by a shared mentalizing network. Under both implicit and explicit instructions, ERP studies reveal that early inferences occur at about the same time, and fMRI studies demonstrate an overlap in core mentalizing areas, including the temporo-parietal junction (TPJ) and the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC). These results suggest a rapid shared implicit intuition followed by a slower explicit verification processes (as revealed by additional brain activation during explicit vs. implicit inferences). These data provide support for a default-adjustment dual-process framework of social mentalizing.
Introduction
Tell me what you did today, and I'll tell what you want and who you are. Behaviors are quite often the main road to enter people's mind, to infer their intentions and judge their personality traits. Social inferences that rely on insights about other people's mental content such as intentions, desires, beliefs, traits or other high-level characteristics are termed mentalizing inferences. Contrary to the old idea that such complex inferences need a lot of explicit mental elaboration, behavioral research in the 80s (Winter and Uleman, ) documented that such person inferences, including trait inferences, are often made implicitly and automatically, without awareness or control about the inference process. The fascination for such implicit and rapid inferences comes from the fact they are relatively correct based on brief verbal or non-verbal information (Letzring et al., ), although they may at times differ from explicit inferences. What is the true inference then? The aim of the present paper is to demonstrate that current neuroscientific evidence on mentalizing suggests that implicit and explicit person inferences do not rely on strictly distinct neural processes or substrates.
To explain the distinction between implicit and explicit social judgments, social cognition researchers drew parallels with similar distinctions in cognitive psychology, collectively termed dual-process theories (for reviews see Evans, ; Evans and Stanovich, ). Dual-process theories argue that there are two different modes of processing, termed implicit (also termed unconscious, automatic, spontaneous, experiential, heuristic, intuitive, impulsive, and reflexive) and explicit (also termed conscious, controlled, rational, systematic, analytical, and reflective; Schneider and Shiffrin, ; Chaicken, ; Epstein, ; Strack and Deutsch, ; Lieberman, ). The key feature of dual-process theories is that implicit processes are inaccessible to consciousness and control, while explicit processes are accessible to awareness, introspection and flexible control. It is also assumed that implicit processes are rapid, while explicit processes are slow (Evans, ). Some dual-process theorists in social cognition (and other domains) assume that implicit and explicit processes are subserved by different information processing systems (e.g., associative vs. rule-based; Smith and DeCoster, ) or subserved by different brain areas (e.g., Satpute and Lieberman, ; Lieberman, ; Forbes and Grafman, ).
Do dual processes imply distinct networks?
Behavioral research in social cognition accumulated a growing body of evidence in favor of dual-process models by demonstrating that many person inferences occur not always explicitly, but often implicitly (for a review, Uleman, ). Recent findings demonstrate that representing other agents' beliefs, is an implicit capacity acquired early at 7 month of age (Kovacs et al., ) and implicitly sustained during adulthood (Schneider et al., ), although it requires some minimal executive resources (Qureshi et al., ; Schneider et al., ). However, the idea that implicit and explicit social mentalizing are subserved by distinct and exclusive processing systems or brain networks appears unjustified. True, some neural networks are mainly involved in implicit social processing. Recent neuroscientific research has uncovered subcortical mechanisms located in the amygdala and other limbic structures that elicit primitive affective reactions (e.g., rapid impressions of a face; Todorov et al., ,; Vandekerckhove and Panksepp, ; Forbes et al., ), as well as mirror-like neural networks responsible for the understanding of non-verbal movements and actions of humans (Iacoboni, ; Van Overwalle and Baetens, ).
In contrast, it is acknowledged that higher-level mentalizing brain areas subserve computations that are neither exclusively implicit or explicit (Satpute and Lieberman, ; Keysers and Gazzola, ; Forbes and Grafman, ). On the contrary, the content of the social inference process seems more crucial than the nature of the process. Each core area in the mentalizing network seems responsible for a distinct computation and appears sensitive to a specific input. The temporo-parietal junction (TPJ) seems responsible for judgments on temporary beliefs and intentions, while the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC) seems involved in enduring trait inferences and other stable characteristics (Figure 1; see for reviews, Amodio and Frith, ; Van Overwalle, ; Lombardo et al., ; Bzdok et al., ; Denny et al., ). Each of these areas supports computations of specific social judgments, but none seems predominantly recruited for explicit or implicit inferences.
Figure 1
Implicit and explicit mentalizing share early timing and core brain areas
Methods that were commonly used to explore implicit processes in behavioral research, cannot always be directly adapted for neuroimaging research. For instance, subliminal presentation of stories or picture sequences to depict events is impossible, while the use of cognitive load may trigger unwanted neural processes that may interfere with the social inference task (e.g., Qureshi et al.,
ERP timing: an identical onset for implicit and explicit inferences
Van Overwalle and colleagues documented that the neural timing (measured by event-related potentials or ERPs) of an early social inference is almost identical under implicit or explicit processing. Under implicit instructions, the participants were told that they had to “read carefully” the material, while participants under explicit instructions had to answer repeatedly the question: “what is the [inference] of this person?” Participants were divided in two separate groups, to avoid contamination of the explicit instructions on implicit judgments. Participants read a number of sentences that all implied the same inference (e.g., “nice” as a trait), and thus provided a strong impression on the target person. At the end of the trial, a critical sentence was presented that was either consistent with the earlier inference (e.g., “gave her sister a hug”), inconsistent (e.g., “gave her brother a slap”), or neutral (e.g., “gave her mother a bottle”). Because timing is crucial in ERP research, the sentences were presented word-by-word in the middle of the screen, and ERP timing started at the beginning of the critical word (see italics in the examples above) that diverged between conditions.
A first ERP study on goal inferences (Van der Cruyssen et al.,
fMRI localization: overlap between implicit and explicit inferences
Van Overwalle and colleagues conducted a series of functional imaging studies to explore the overlap between explicit and implicit mentalizing, using a very similar procedure as described before. The results showed significant overlap in mentalizing activity between instructions, even though brains from different participants were compared.
A first fMRI study on implicit and explicit trait inferences (Ma et al.,
Figure 2

Various social inferences under spontaneous (green) and intentional (red) instructions, and their overlap (yellow). (A) Consistent trait > irrelevant trait contrast from Ma et al. (
In a second fMRI study on person and situation causes (Kestemont et al.,
In a third fMRI study on trait inconsistencies (Ma et al.,
The findings converge on the notion that under explicit processing, implicit information is enriched by retrieving similar behaviors from the past and imaging more vividly social cues on human action (Ma et al.,
Implicit and explicit mentalizing as iterative reprocessing
Taken together, recent neuroscientific data on the neural underpinnings of social mentalizing suggest that implicit and explicit mentalizing share the same early timing and the same core brain areas, but also that explicit inferences may lead to a modulation in some brain areas, reflecting a correction or an enrichment. These data are best explained by more recent default-interventionist dual-process theories (Evans,
It is suggested here that social mentalizing involves similar iterative reprocessing from implicit to explicit (Cunningham and Zelazo,
How these subsequent cycles touch on novel input and memories, and how this information is integrated and feed back to implicit intuitions at the neural level, are questions for future research. Moreover, it is likely that individual differences in motivation or need for cognition (Epstein et al.,
Apart from these basic questions on iterative reprocessing of implicit and explicit mentalizing (Cunningham and Zelazo,
Conclusion
Previous neuroscientific research has demonstrated that understanding of another persons' mind involves both implicit and explicit processes located in the mentalizing network (e.g., Keysers and Gazzola,
Conflict of interest statement
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
Statements
Conflict of interest
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
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Summary
Keywords
mentalizing, implicit inferences, fMRI, ERP, dual-process theories
Citation
Van Overwalle F and Vandekerckhove M (2013) Implicit and explicit social mentalizing: dual processes driven by a shared neural network. Front. Hum. Neurosci. 7:560. doi: 10.3389/fnhum.2013.00560
Received
30 June 2013
Accepted
22 August 2013
Published
13 September 2013
Volume
7 - 2013
Edited by
Leonhard Schilbach, University Hospital Cologne, Germany
Reviewed by
Chris Frith, University College London, UK; Jon Freeman, Dartmouth College, USA
Copyright
© 2013 Van Overwalle and Vandekerckhove.
This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) or licensor are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.
*Correspondence: Frank Van Overwalle, Department of Psychology, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Pleinlaan 2, B - 1050 Brussels, Belgium e-mail: mailto:frank.vanoverwalle@vub.ac.be
This article was submitted to the journal Frontiers in Human Neuroscience.
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