Cultivating resilience: localized insights into climate impacts and gendered adaptation strategies in smallholder farming in Ghana

Background: Smallholder farmers bear disproportionate climate-related risks due to heavy reliance on natural resources and limited access to adaptive technologies. Male and female farmers experience climate change impacts differently, yet there remains limited localized understanding of gender-specific adaptation strategies in Ghana. This study explores gendered perspectives on climate adaptation in the Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality. It addresses essential knowledge gaps in how structural inequalities, indigenous knowledge systems, and institutional access intersect to shape differentiated adaptive pathways among smallholder farming communities.

Methods: Grounded in Feminist Political Ecology and Adaptive Capacity theory, we employed an exploratory qualitative design from June–August 2023. Using purposive sampling, we conducted semi-structured interviews (n = 40), focus group discussions (n = 3), and field observations with smallholder farmers across three sub-districts: Ejura, Hiawoanwu, and Sekyedumase. Data were thematically analyzed following Braun and Clarke's approach, with data integration enhancing validity and contextual depth. Verbatim quotations were employed to preserve research participants' voices and validate emergent themes.

Results: Findings revealed profound gender disparities in access to land, credit, and extension services that systematically constrain women's adaptive capacity. Male farmers engaged in larger-scale, capital-intensive practices such as mechanized ridging, enabled by institutional connections and cooperative membership. Conversely, women developed innovative, smaller-scale strategies including mulching, seed preservation, food processing, and water conservation that required minimal external inputs yet demonstrated ecological sustainability and community focus. Women's adaptation operated through informal knowledge-sharing networks, collective labor arrangements, and indigenous forecasting methods. These practices reveal adaptive agency despite structural marginalization. Spatial inequalities across sub-districts and intergenerational tensions between traditional knowledge and technological innovation further shaped adaptation dynamics.

Conclusion: This study demonstrates that effective climate adaptation requires gender-transformative policies addressing structural inequalities in land tenure, credit access, and institutional support. It also emphasizes recognizing and scaling women's ecologically grounded innovations. The research advances Sustainable Development Goals 2, 5, and 13 by revealing their fundamental interdependence. It emphasizes that climate-resilient food systems cannot be achieved without dismantling gender inequalities that constrain adaptive capacity among smallholder farmers.

1 Introduction

Agriculture and ecosystems are intricately linked, forming a symbiotic relationship that supports global food security and environmental sustainability (Jagadesh et al., 2024; Mamabolo et al., 2020). However, climate change has significantly disrupted this balance, altering precipitation patterns, increasing extreme weather events, and accelerating ecosystem degradation, thereby threatening the livelihoods of millions dependent on farming (Banu and Fazal, 2025; Hatfield et al., 2020). These challenges are particularly acute where subsistence and smallholder farming form the backbone of economic and social wellbeing (Ogwu et al., 2024), necessitating context-specific adaptive strategies tailored to vulnerable communities (Darjee et al., 2023; Suprayitno et al., 2024).

Globally, smallholder farmers bear disproportionate climate-related risks due to reliance on natural resources, limited adaptive technologies, and economic constraints (Asiedu et al., 2024; Verma and Sudan, 2021). This vulnerability is compounded by gender disparities that restrict women's access to land, credit, and agricultural inputs (Glazebrook et al., 2020). Despite women's critical roles in food production and resource management, their contributions remain marginalized in climate adaptation policies due to patriarchal norms, limited decision-making power, and male-centered policy frameworks (Arintyas, 2024). This systemic exclusion undermines equitable climate responses and highlights the urgent need for gendered adaptation research (Kristjanson et al., 2017; Lawson et al., 2020; Sultana, 2022; Tantoh et al., 2021).

In Sub-Saharan Africa, where agriculture remains the primary livelihood source for the majority of the population, the stakes are particularly high. The sector underpins food security, employment, and rural incomes, making any disruption to agricultural productivity a direct threat to the survival and wellbeing of millions across the region (Nyathi et al., 2025). The region's dependence on rain-fed agriculture heightens susceptibility to climate variability, with smallholder farmers facing declining yields, soil degradation, and resource scarcity (Adusei et al., 2023; Bjornlund et al., 2020; Verma and Sudan, 2021). Structural inequalities and institutional limitations further hinder effective responses (Barrett, 2013), underscoring the need for context-specific measures integrating local knowledge and empowering marginalized groups (Mawere and Mukonza, 2024; Root et al., 2015; Suhaeb et al., 2024).

Ghana exemplifies these challenges, with diverse ecological zones supporting agriculture as a foundation of its economy (Adusei, 2021; Yeleliere et al., 2023a,b). However, erratic rainfall, rising temperatures, and ecosystem degradation increasingly threaten smallholder farmers. National policies have attempted interventions, yet their effectiveness remains constrained by insufficient localized data, weak community engagement, and limited integration of farmers lived experiences (Yeleliere et al., 2023a,b). This disconnects between macro-level strategies and micro-level realities necessitates bridging research (Akuffo, 2024; Schofield and Gubbels, 2019).

The Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality in Ghana's Ashanti region presents a compelling case for localized study. Known for its savanna-forest transition zone, the municipality serves as an agricultural hub for maize, yam, and cassava cultivation (Ayim et al., 2024; Ghana Statistical Service, 2014). However, farmers report declining soil fertility, unpredictable rainfall, and increased pest infestations threatening productivity and food security (Acheampong et al., 2023). Gender dynamics further shape adaptive capacity, with women facing barriers in land ownership, financial resources, and decision-making despite their traditional ecological knowledge and innovative coping strategies (Drolet et al., 2015; Havemann et al., 2022; Paudyal et al., 2019).

Despite the wealth of global and national research on climate change and agriculture, there is a striking scarcity of localized studies that capture the specific experiences and socio-ecological contexts of communities like Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipal (Bhatta et al., 2017; Maharjan et al., 2020). This gap hinders tailored interventions, risking generic, disconnected strategies with limited effectiveness. Additionally, underrepresentation of gendered perspectives worsens inequalities and reduces potential for inclusive solutions. The research seeks to answer the following research questions.

Research questions:

1. How do male and female smallholder farmers in Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality experience and respond to climate variability differently?

2. What gender-specific barriers and opportunities shape adaptation strategies in this agro-ecological transition zone?

3. How do indigenous knowledge systems, institutional access, and socio-economic factors intersect to influence gendered adaptation capacity?

This study addresses these gaps by exploring lived experiences of smallholder farmers, emphasizing gendered climate adaptation dimensions. Its significance lies in informing policy from community-based initiatives and district planning to national frameworks and international development efforts. The research advances SDG 2 (Zero Hunger) through resilient food systems, SDG 13 (Climate Action) via localized strategies, and SDG 5 (Gender Equality) by recognizing women's critical roles. Findings will guide policymakers, practitioners, and stakeholders in designing interventions that are effective, socially just, and environmentally sustainable.

2 Literature review

2.1 Climate change impacts on smallholder farming systems

Climate change poses unprecedented challenges to agricultural systems globally, with smallholder farmers in developing countries bearing the heaviest burden (Hatfield et al., 2020). Changes in temperature and precipitation patterns, increased frequency of extreme weather events, and shifting growing seasons directly threaten crop yields, soil health, and water availability (Singh et al., 2013). In Sub-Saharan Africa, where over 60% of the population depends on agriculture for livelihoods, climate variability has resulted in declining productivity, food insecurity, and increased rural poverty (Bjornlund et al., 2020; Verma and Sudan, 2021).

Research has documented that smallholder farmers face multiple, interconnected vulnerabilities including limited access to climate information, inadequate infrastructure, weak extension services, and insufficient financial resources for adaptation investments (Herrero et al., 2014; Wens et al., 2022). These challenges are particularly acute in transition zones between ecological systems, where environmental changes manifest unpredictably and intensely (Obour et al., 2022). In Ghana specifically, studies have shown that farmers experience shortened rainy seasons, increased temperatures, and unpredictable pest outbreaks, all of which disrupt traditional farming calendars and threaten food security (Acheampong et al., 2023; Yeleliere et al., 2023a,b).

2.2 Gender dimensions of climate adaptation

Gender critically shapes how individuals experience climate change and their capacity to adapt (Glazebrook et al., 2020). Women in smallholder farming communities face systemic disadvantages including limited land ownership, restricted access to credit and extension services, lower educational attainment, and constrained decision-making authority (Lawson et al., 2020; Tantoh et al., 2021). These structural inequalities are rooted in patriarchal norms and institutional frameworks that prioritize men's roles in agriculture while undervaluing women's contributions (Arintyas, 2024).

Despite these barriers, research increasingly recognizes women as active agents of climate adaptation rather than passive victims (Kristjanson et al., 2017). Women farmers often employ innovative, low-cost adaptation strategies that leverage indigenous knowledge, social networks, and ecological stewardship (Gumucio et al., 2020; Jost et al., 2016). Studies from Ghana and across West Africa document women's roles in seed preservation, food processing, water conservation, and maintaining crop diversity, practices essential for household resilience yet largely invisible in formal adaptation frameworks (Acheampong et al., 2023; Huyer et al., 2021).

However, most climate adaptation research either ignores gender or treats it as a binary variable without examining intra-gender diversity or intersecting vulnerabilities (Sultana, 2022). There remains limited understanding of how gender interacts with age, education, household structure, and spatial location to shape adaptive capacity (Angula et al., 2021). This gap is particularly pronounced in localized studies that could reveal context-specific gendered dynamics.

2.3 Adaptation strategies and indigenous knowledge

Smallholder farmers employ diverse adaptation strategies including crop diversification, agroforestry, soil and water conservation, and livelihood diversification (Bhatta et al., 2017; Fahad et al., 2022). However, adoption rates remain uneven, constrained by resource limitations, inadequate technical support, and institutional barriers (Herrero et al., 2014). Research shows that effective adaptation requires integrating scientific knowledge with indigenous and local knowledge systems that have evolved over generations (Suarez et al., 2014; Drolet et al., 2015).

Indigenous knowledge involves traditional rainfall indicators, pest management techniques, seed selection practices, and community-based support mechanisms (Mawere and Mukonza, 2024). These knowledge systems are particularly valuable in contexts where formal climate services are absent or inaccessible (Paudyal et al., 2019). Studies in Ghana have documented the importance of indigenous forecasting methods and social networks in enabling adaptation, though these systems are increasingly challenged by accelerating environmental changes (Yeleliere et al., 2023a,b).

Agroforestry has emerged as a particularly promising adaptation strategy, offering multiple benefits including microclimate regulation, soil fertility improvement, income diversification, and nutritional security (Rao et al., 2007; Mercer, 2004). However, adoption remains limited by land tenure insecurity, lack of seedling access, and inadequate technical knowledge, barriers that disproportionately affect women (Heim, 2024).

2.4 Institutional barriers and spatial inequalities

Adaptation capacity is shaped not only by individual resources but also by institutional structures and spatial contexts (Barrett, 2013; Root et al., 2015). Research consistently identifies weak extension services, limited credit access, inadequate infrastructure, and exclusionary policy frameworks as major barriers to effective adaptation (Bjornlund et al., 2020). These institutional failures are gendered, with women farmers systematically excluded from farmer cooperatives, training programs, and government support schemes (Jost et al., 2016).

Spatial inequalities further compound vulnerabilities, with remote communities experiencing greater isolation from markets, input dealers, and institutional support (Schofield and Gubbels, 2019). Studies in Ghana have shown significant disparities in adaptive capacity across districts, with farmers in better-connected areas demonstrating higher adoption of improved practices (Akuffo, 2024). However, most research operates at national or regional scales, leaving localized spatial dynamics underexplored.

2.5 Research gaps and study contributions

While global scholarship has advanced understanding of climate change impacts and adaptation strategies, significant gaps remain. First, most studies adopt broad geographic scales that obscure localized variations in climate impacts, adaptive practices, and gender dynamics (Maharjan et al., 2020; van Wesenbeeck et al., 2016). Second, gender analysis often remains superficial, failing to examine how structural inequalities constrain women's agency while simultaneously driving innovative adaptation (Kristjanson et al., 2017). Third, insufficient attention has been paid to the intersection of traditional and modern knowledge systems in shaping adaptation pathways (Singh et al., 2020).

This study addresses these gaps by providing in-depth, localized analysis of gendered climate adaptation in Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality. It moves beyond documenting gender disparities to examine how women's agency manifests through specific adaptive practices despite systemic constraints. This research offers novel insights into the complex, dynamic processes through which smallholder farming communities navigate climate change by integrating analysis of indigenous knowledge, social networks, and spatial inequalities. These contributions inform both global scholarship on gender and climate adaptation and context-specific policy interventions in Ghana and similar agrarian settings.

2.6 Theoretical framework

This study is grounded in the Feminist Political Ecology (FPE) framework, which examines how gender, power, and environmental change intersect within specific socio-cultural and political-economic contexts (Elias et al., 2021; Glazebrook et al., 2020). FPE recognizes that environmental issues are not gender-neutral but are shaped by and reproduce existing power relations. Women often experience disproportionate vulnerabilities while simultaneously demonstrating adaptive agency (Lawson et al., 2020). The framework emphasizes three key dimensions relevant to this study. First, it examines structural inequalities in resource access, particularly land, credit, and extension services, that constrain women's adaptive capacity (Tantoh et al., 2021). Second, it recognizes women's ecological knowledge and innovative practices as valuable yet undervalued resources for building resilience (Kristjanson et al., 2017). Third, it highlights how social networks and collective action enable adaptation in resource-constrained contexts (Drolet et al., 2015).

Complementing FPE, the study draws on Adaptive Capacity theory, which views adaptation as a dynamic, context-specific process influenced by material resources, knowledge systems, institutions, and social capital (Angula et al., 2021; Bhatta et al., 2017; Bohensky et al., 2010). This integrated theoretical lens enables examination of how gender shapes both constraints and opportunities for climate adaptation while recognizing farmers' agency in navigating environmental change.

The study analyzes how gendered power relations interact with ecological pressures and institutional structures to produce differentiated adaptive pathways by combining these frameworks. This approach reveals both the structural barriers women face and the innovative strategies they employ in response to climate variability.

3 Methodology

3.1 Study area

The Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality is among the 43 Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies (MMDAs) that constitute the Ashanti Region of Ghana, one of the country's most agriculturally productive zones (Owusu et al., 2020). The municipality serves as a critical food basket for both the Ashanti Region and Ghana as a whole, contributing significantly to national food security. According to Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipal Assembly (2023), the municipality produces approximately 45% of the Ashanti region's maize output, accounting for over 206,109.14 metric tons annually, alongside substantial quantities of yam (estimated at 26,092.57 metric tons) and cassava (approximately 75,550.53 metric tons). These production volumes position Ejura-Sekyedumase as one of Ghana's leading agricultural municipalities, supplying major urban markets including Kumasi and Accra with staple crops essential for national food security (Ayim et al., 2024; Ghana Statistical Service, 2014).

Geographically, the municipality covers an area of approximately 1,340.1 square kilometers, sharing boundaries with the Atebubu-Amantin District (northwest), Sekyere South (south), Mampong Municipality (east), and Offinso Municipality (west) (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010). The Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality was selected as the study site based on criterion-based sampling due to its agro-ecological richness, featuring a unique transition zone between forest and savanna ecosystems (McLean et al., 2024) (Figure 1). This ecological diversity renders it highly sensitive to climatic changes, particularly rainfall variability and ecosystem degradation (Acheampong et al., 2023; Obour et al., 2022). The municipality supports cultivation of staple crops such as maize, yam, cassava, and cowpea, alongside livestock farming and agro-based enterprises (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010).

Figure 1

Figure 1. Map of Ejura-Sekyedumase.

Understanding the local gender context is essential for interpreting this study's findings. In Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality, as across much of rural Ghana, women face systemic disadvantages rooted in patriarchal norms and customary practices that limit their access to productive resources (Acheampong et al., 2023). According to district-level data, only 18% of registered landowners in the municipality are women, despite women constituting approximately 48% of the agricultural labor force (Ghana Statistical Service, 2014). Women's land access is predominantly through male relatives: husbands, fathers, or brothers, rendering their tenure insecure and contingent upon maintaining these relationships (Lawson et al., 2020).

Financial exclusion compounds these barriers. Women in the municipality report significantly lower access to formal credit, with only 12% having secured agricultural loans compared to 45% of male farmers. This disparity is primarily due to a lack of collateral, which is intrinsically linked to their limited land ownership (Kabo-Bah and Bannor, 2025). Extension services similarly exhibit gender bias, with women receiving less than 30% of extension visits despite their substantial involvement in farming activities (Acheampong et al., 2023). Educational disparities persist, with female literacy rates in rural Ejura-Sekyedumase at approximately 52% compared to 68% for males, further limiting women's access to climate information and agricultural innovations (Akuffo, 2024).

However, women in Ejura-Sekyedumase demonstrate remarkable agency within these constraints. Women dominate certain agricultural activities, particularly post-harvest processing, food preservation, and local marketing, where they exercise considerable decision-making authority (Yeleliere et al., 2023a,b). These dynamics reveal that while women face structural disadvantages, they are not passive victims but active agents employing creative strategies to navigate constraints and contribute to household and community resilience.

While this study focuses on Ejura-Sekyedumase, similar dynamics are observed across other parts of Ghana and Sub-Saharan Africa, though with contextual variationsIn northern Ghana, research by Antwi-Agyei and Nyantakyi-Frimpong (2021) shows that women face even more acute land tenure restrictions and bear disproportionate burdens from water scarcity. Yet women also lead community seed-saving and drought-coping initiatives.

3.2 Research design

Grounded in an interpretivist paradigm, this study adopted a qualitative research approach using an exploratory case study design to examine the dynamic, socially embedded, and gendered dimensions of adaptation to climate variability in the Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality (Tisdell et al., 2025). The interpretivist orientation recognizes that reality is socially constructed. It argues that understanding farmers' adaptation requires examining their lived experiences, meanings, and interpretations within specific cultural and ecological contexts (Creswell, 2009). This methodological orientation facilitated deep engagement with community members, moving beyond quantifiable indicators to uncover how farmers experience, interpret, and negotiate environmental changes in their everyday lives (Lim, 2024).

The exploratory case study design was particularly appropriate given the limited existing research on gendered climate adaptation in this specific context (Rodríguez-Labajos et al., 2021). Through open-ended inquiry, the design captured diverse perspectives and meanings attached to climate adaptation, deliberately emphasizing the voices of marginalized groups such as women. Knowledge was viewed as co-constructed through interaction, reflection, and shared understanding between researchers and research participants, thereby enhancing contextual depth and authenticity (Rodríguez-Labajos et al., 2021).

3.3 Sampling and research participants

This study employed purposive sampling to select 40 smallholder farmers with varied backgrounds in farming practices, gender, age, and education levels within the Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality (Behrman et al., 2014). Purposive sampling was chosen as it enables deliberate selection of information-rich cases that can provide in-depth insights into the phenomena under examination (Schreier et al., 2018).

Research participants were selected based on the following criteria: (1) active involvement in farming as a primary or significant livelihood activity for at least 5 years, ensuring experiential knowledge of climate variability; (2) residence within one of the three target sub-districts (Ejura, Hiawoanwu, or Sekyedumase); (3) willingness to participate and share experiences openly; (4) age 18 years or above; and (5) representation of diverse farming practices including crop diversification, monocropping, agroforestry, and livestock integration. For female research participants, additional purposive selection ensured representation across household roles: wives in male-headed households, widows, single mothers, and female heads of households, to capture intra-gender diversity in adaptation experiences and decision-making authority (McLafferty, 2004).

The sample comprised 30 male (75%) and 10 female (25%) research participants. While purposive sampling could have ensured numerical parity, the 3:1 ratio was deliberately maintained to reflect actual gender participation patterns in formal agricultural activities and decision-making spaces in the municipality (Acheampong et al., 2023). According to district agricultural records, approximately 68% of men and 53.7% of women are engaged in farming. This mirrors broader patterns across rural Ghana, where men dominate formal agricultural roles despite women's substantial contributions (Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipal Assembly, n.d.; Glazebrook et al., 2020; Jost et al., 2016). This proportional representation served two methodological purposes. First, it enabled examination of adaptation dynamics as they occur within existing gender structures, revealing how gendered power relations shape adaptation in practice rather than in artificially balanced conditions (Owen-Smith et al., 2017). Second, it allowed analysis of how male farmers perceive and articulate gender dynamics in adaptation, providing important insights into structural barriers that perpetuate inequalities.

Significantly, numerical underrepresentation did not translate to analytical marginalization. Deliberate strategies were employed to amplify women's voices throughout the research process (McLafferty, 2004). Female research participants were purposefully selected across different age brackets and household roles to highlight intra-gender diversity in adaptation strategies. Women's voices were amplified through conducting gender-disaggregated focus group discussions to create safe spaces for women to share experiences without male dominance potentially silencing their perspectives. During mixed-gender FGDs, researchers actively ensured women's participation through culturally appropriate prompting and by structuring discussions to prevent male research participants from monopolizing conversations. Additionally, the analysis deliberately centered women's narratives and adaptive innovations, with extensive use of verbatim quotations from female research participants throughout the findings to preserve their perspectives and agency (Glazebrook et al., 2020).

Research participants ranged in age from 20 to 65 years, with educational backgrounds spanning from no formal education to tertiary-level graduates. This diversity allowed analysis of how age and education intersect with gender to influence awareness, access to resources, and adaptation capacity. Farmers from the three sub-districts were included to reflect ecological and infrastructural variations across the municipality. Demographic data were recorded using a participant profile sheet and summarized in Table 1 to provide context for the qualitative findings.

Table 1

Table 1. Sample characteristics of the research participants.

Ethical review was not required under local institutional guidelines; however, the research adhered to core ethical principles. Verbal informed consent was obtained from all research participants after explaining the study's purpose, procedures, and their right to withdraw at any time without consequence. Participant confidentiality was strictly maintained, and all identifying information was anonymized in reporting.

3.4 Data collection instruments

A multi-method qualitative approach integrating semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions (FGDs), and field observations was employed to capture the layered, context-specific, and often invisible gendered dimensions of climate adaptation in smallholder farming systems. Data integration across multiple sources was epistemologically essential for uncovering these localized and gendered responses to climate stress (Gibson, 2017; Jack and Raturi, 2006).

Semi-structured interviews elicited in-depth personal narratives on shifting labor roles, decision-making authority, and differential access to land, inputs, and extension services. The interview guide contained open-ended questions organized around five thematic areas: (1) observed climate changes and environmental shifts; (2) impacts on farming practices and livelihoods; (3) adaptation strategies employed and decision-making processes; (4) access to resources, information, and institutional support; and (5) gender dynamics in adaptation, including household roles, labor division, and control over resources. The semi-structured format allowed flexibility to probe emerging themes while maintaining consistency across interviews (Heath et al., 2018).

FGDs generated a participatory space for collective reflection on shared challenges, community-based strategies, and contested adaptation narratives. The FGD guide focused on: (1) community-level climate observations and impacts; (2) collective adaptation practices and indigenous knowledge systems; (3) institutional support and barriers; (4) gender roles and power dynamics in agricultural decision-making; and (5) community support mechanisms and social networks. The group setting facilitated discussion of social and institutional dimensions that individual interviews might not fully capture (Moser and Korstjens, 2018).

Field observations at farms, water sources, and markets provided real-time validation of reported practices, documenting visible indicators of environmental change, land management techniques, and technology use (Dolinska and d'Aquino, 2016; Herrero et al., 2014). The observation guide structured documentation of: (1) environmental conditions: soil quality, water availability, vegetation cover, crop health, and visible degradation indicators; (2) adaptation technologies and practices: agroforestry implementation, soil conservation structures, irrigation systems, mulching, and post-harvest processing facilities; (3) gender-specific work patterns: observable division of labor in farming activities, decision-making interactions, and control over resources; and (4) infrastructure and market access, condition of roads, storage facilities, input dealers, and market linkages (Schreier et al., 2018).

This integrative design combined multiple data sources to cross-validate findings and capture diverse dimensions of adaptation, enhancing credibility and contextual richness by bridging individual experiences, group dynamics, and on-the-ground realities. Together, these methods revealed climate adaptation as a dynamic, socially embedded process shaped by interconnected ecological pressures, gendered power relations, and institutional constraints. These dynamics operate relationally: environmental stressors intersect with gender-based inequalities in land and credit access, while institutional gaps compound both ecological and social vulnerabilities. The study thus laid the groundwork for participatory, equity-centered climate action that recognizes and addresses these intersecting dynamics (Glazebrook et al., 2020; Tantoh et al., 2021).

3.5 Data Collection Procedure

Data collection was conducted between June and August 2023 by a two-member research team fluent in both Twi and English. A total of 40 semi-structured individual interviews were carried out. Thirty were with male farmers and ten with female farmers, purposively sampled across three sub-districts: Ejura, Hiawoanwu, and Sekyedumase. Interviews took place in quiet, convenient locations chosen by research participants to ensure comfort and confidentiality, including their homes, farms, or community meeting spaces (Heath et al., 2018). Each interview lasted between 45 min and 1 h and was conducted in Twi to ensure cultural appropriateness and facilitate open communication. All sessions were audio-recorded with research participants' informed consent and subsequently transcribed verbatim. Transcripts in Twi were translated into English to enable systematic analysis while preserving the differences and distinctiveness of research participants' narratives.

Complementing the interviews, three focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted, one in each sub-district. Each FGD comprised 10–15 research participants facilitated by the lead researcher with support from a co-researcher who served as note-taker and co-facilitator. The discussions, conducted in Twi and lasting 60–90 min, generated rich dialogue about shared challenges, collective adaptation strategies, and contested narratives around climate resilience. The researchers also provided a participatory space for research participants to validate, expand upon, or challenge individual interview accounts, thereby deepening contextual understanding of local perspectives (Moser and Korstjens, 2018). All FGD sessions were audio-recorded with consent and transcribed for thematic analysis.

In parallel, systematic field observations were carried out at farms, water sources, and market sites to document visible environmental changes and on-the-ground adaptation responses. These observations were recorded as structured field notes, capturing details such as soil conditions, water availability, crop health, land degradation indicators, and observable adaptation technologies. The observational data was later integrated with interview and FGD findings to validate reported practices, enhance methodological rigor, and strengthen the overall credibility and depth of the analysis.

3.6 Data analysis

Data analysis followed a thematic approach guided by Braun and Clarke (2019) six-phase framework: familiarization, code generation, theme construction, theme review, theme definition, and report production. Audio recordings from semi-structured interviews and FGDs were transcribed verbatim and translated from Twi to English. Transcripts were read repeatedly to ensure familiarity with the data, enabling immersion in research participants' narratives and identification of preliminary patterns (Braun and Clarke, 2019).

Initial coding proceeded inductively, with researchers systematically labeling meaningful text segments without imposing predetermined categories. Sticky notes organized codes visually, facilitating comparison and pattern recognition. For example, segments describing farmers' observations about rainfall changes were initially coded as “rainfall unpredictability,” “delayed onset,” or “shortened rainy season.” Similarly, descriptions of adaptive practices received codes such as “crop mixing,” “tree planting,” or “food preservation techniques.” This process generated 127 initial codes across all transcripts.

Theme construction involved grouping related codes into potential themes. Initial codes about rainfall, temperature, soil conditions, and pest outbreaks were consolidated into the overarching theme “Observed climate variability and environmental changes.” Codes related to land ownership disparities, credit access barriers, and extension service exclusion were organized under “Gendered access to resources and institutional support.” Similarly, codes describing specific farming techniques formed themes including “Climate adaptation strategies and variations,” “Livelihood diversification and non-farm activities,” and “Traditional knowledge and community support mechanisms.” Codes related to age differences in technology adoption and traditional practice preferences were grouped as “Youth participation and intergenerational differences.” Financial limitations, infrastructure deficits, and knowledge gaps coalesced into “Perceived barriers to adaptation.” Gender-differentiated practices formed “Adaptive capacity and coping practices by gender,” while location-based disparities created “Spatial and infrastructural differences across sub-districts.”

Theme review and refinement involved checking that themes accurately represented coded data and reflected research participants' experiences coherently. Researchers revisited original transcripts to ensure themes captured the richness and complexity of narratives. For instance, the initial theme “adaptation strategies” was subdivided into specific practice categories (agroforestry, soil conservation, livelihood diversification) to enhance analytical clarity. Themes were mapped against research objectives to ensure alignment with the study's focus on gendered adaptation dimensions.

Field notes from observations were integrated to contextualize and validate findings. For example, observational data on visible tree cover, mulching materials, and solar drying racks corroborated interview accounts of agroforestry adoption and food preservation practices. This data integration strengthened credibility by bridging reported experiences with observable realities (Gibson, 2017).

To enhance analytical rigor, two researchers independently coded a subset of 10 transcripts (25% of the sample), then met to compare coding decisions and resolve discrepancies through discussion. This inter-coder reliability check revealed 89% initial agreement, with remaining differences reconciled through consensus. Final coding applied agreed-upon definitions consistently across all transcripts.

Code definitions and examples from the analysis include:

• “Rainfall unpredictability”: Descriptions of erratic, delayed, or shortened rainy seasons disrupting traditional planting calendars. Example: “We used to know exactly when to plant, but now it's a gamble” (Farmer 11).

• “Land tenure barriers”: References to women's restricted land ownership or access dependent on male relatives. Example: “They have to wait for their husbands before they can even farm” (Farmer 21).

• “Low-cost adaptation”: Descriptions of affordable, resource-efficient practices requiring minimal external inputs. Example: “Mulching my maize fields saves me time and water… these small methods keep the soil healthy” (Farmer 35).

• “Indigenous forecasting”: Use of traditional environmental indicators (ant behavior, tree flowering, wind patterns) for climate prediction. Example: “We don't have formal education on climate change, but what we see in the fields… is enough to know that something is changing” (Farmer 27).

Verbatim quotations were selected to illustrate key patterns while preserving research participants' voices. The analysis emphasized gendered differences in adaptation experiences, ensuring that both individual narratives and collective perspectives informed the final interpretation. Quotations were chosen based on representativeness (reflecting common patterns), depth (providing rich insight), and diversity (capturing range of experiences across gender, age, and location). This rigorous analytical process ensured findings emerged systematically from the data while remaining grounded in research participants lived realities (Braun and Clarke, 2019; Rodríguez-Labajos et al., 2021).

4 Results

This section presents empirical findings from interviews, focus group discussions, and field observations conducted in Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality. The results are organized to reflect the study's focus on gendered adaptation strategies, observed climate impacts, and farming practices.

Table 1 offers a granular demographic and experiential map of the 40 research participants in this study, revealing a landscape of intersecting vulnerabilities and opportunities. Educational attainment varied widely, with only 10% possessing tertiary education. The predominance of primary-level education (35%) and significant representation of research participants with no formal education (25%) reflect a common challenge in rural Ghanaian communities, where formal schooling often yields to economic survival imperatives.

The age spectrum, spanning from 20 to above 65 years, allowed the study to unpack generational differences in farming knowledge, climate perception, and adaptation behavior. While younger farmers (20–30 years) were more open to adopting new techniques, older farmers tended to rely on traditional practices, creating a dynamic tension between innovation and heritage. This generational lens is vital in understanding how adaptation is passed down or transformed.

Gender distribution reflects the entrenched male dominance in smallholder agriculture (75% male). However, the presence of 25% female research participants was essential in highlighting gender-specific adaptation experiences. Women, though resource-constrained, demonstrated significant ingenuity through small-scale agroforestry and water conservation. Their actions challenge the perception that resource scarcity equates to adaptive incapacity. Despite facing systemic barriers in accessing land, credit, and extension services, female farmers in Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality developed innovative, low-cost adaptation strategies. These strategies required minimal external inputs yet yielded meaningful ecological and economic benefits.

Women's adaptive ingenuity manifested across multiple domains. They pioneered water-saving techniques such as mulching with crop residues, intercropping to reduce evapotranspiration, and relying on hand-dug mini-reservoirs. These practices further underscore their adaptive creativity. They maintained diversified seed banks of climate-resilient local varieties. This practice preserved agricultural biodiversity that formal breeding programs had abandoned in favor of commercial hybrids. Through informal knowledge-sharing networks, women exchanged seeds, planting techniques, and pest management strategies. These networks created horizontal learning systems that operated independently of male-dominated extension services (Gumucio et al., 2020). Food preservation innovations, including solar drying, fermentation, and indigenous storage methods, extended household food security beyond harvest periods. These practices demonstrate women's holistic approach to climate resilience that integrated production, processing, and nutrition. These practices align with feminist political ecology scholarship emphasizing that women's adaptation operates through relational assets, collective action, and ecological stewardship. This contrasts with approaches that prioritize capital-intensive technologies (Sultana, 2022; Glazebrook et al., 2020).

One female farmer from Ejura exemplified this resourcefulness, explaining how women leverage collective action and indigenous knowledge rather than waiting for institutional support: “I share seedlings of drought-resistant okra with my neighbors. We don't wait for NGOs. We grow our own solutions” (Female participant, 31 years, Ejura, Farmer 10). This proactive, community-based approach was corroborated by male research participants who acknowledged women's adaptive ingenuity despite systemic disadvantages. A 50-year-old male farmer in Ejura observed: “Women here don't get the same support we get, but they still find clever ways to keep their crops alive. Their small methods work even when they have no machines” (Male participant, 50 years, Ejura, Farmer 39). These testimonies underscore that women's adaptive capacity is not diminished by resource scarcity but is expressed through incremental, ecologically grounded, and socially embedded innovations that mainstream adaptation frameworks often overlook or undervalue.

Crop distribution mirrored national trends, with maize as the dominant staple, exposing farmers to higher climate risk due to its rain-dependency. The split between monocropping (45%) and crop diversification (55%) suggests an emergent awareness of risk-spreading strategies, albeit inconsistently applied. Farmers' reported adaptation strategies, especially the 55% practicing crop diversification and 45% engaging in soil and water conservation, highlight a proactive but uneven engagement with ecological challenges. Significantly, the barriers reported: financial limitations (75%), technical support gaps (50%), and limited formal climate education (30%), signal systemic failures that hinder transformative resilience. These insights demand not only policy attention but also a rethinking of how adaptation frameworks are localized and gendered.

4.1 Observed climate variability and environmental changes

Across all interviews and FGDs, research participants consistently reported shifts in rainfall patterns. Thirty-five (35) of the 40 farmers noted shorter rainy seasons and increased unpredictability in rainfall onset and cessation. Field observations supported these accounts, revealing desiccated riverbeds, delayed crop germination, and cracked soils.

Soil fertility decline was reported by 28 research participants, primarily linked to continuous cropping and absence of organic matter. In all three sub-districts, farm plots showed visible signs of soil exhaustion, with shallow root penetration and poor vegetative cover. Pest infestations, especially fall armyworm and aphids, were cited by 31 research participants. Affected maize plots observed in Ejura and Hiawoanwu showed patchy growth and discolored leaves.

Temperature increase was a common perception, mentioned by 33 research participants. Field observations recorded limited shade cover, exposure of seedlings to scorching sun, and drying of water catchments, indicators consistent with localized heating trends. A 47-year-old male farmer from Ejura linked rising temperatures to deforestation, noting that “We've seen huge changes in our land over the years. The forests that once protected our soil are disappearing” (Male participant, Ejura, Farmer 4). This observation was echoed by another male farmer in Hiawoanwu, who emphasized the cascading effects of tree loss: “The loss of trees around here has had a big impact. The soil is washing away with the rain, and there's not much left to support our crops“ (Male participant, 50 years, Hiawoanwu, Farmer 9). A female farmer from Hiawoanwu captured the profound disruption to farming rhythms, reflecting that “The rain no longer comes when we expect them. Our soil is tired, the rivers are drying, and the sun feels hotter each year. Farming used to follow the seasons, but now the seasons no longer follow us” (Female participant, 53 years, Hiawoanwu, Farmer 40). These testimonies reveal how farmers directly experience and articulate climate change through environmental degradation and the breakdown of predictable seasonal patterns.

4.2 Gendered access to resources and institutional support

Although the study used non-probability sampling and therefore cannot claim population-level comparisons, clear gendered disparities nevertheless emerged consistently across research participants' narratives. Twenty-eight (28) men described owning or directly controlling farmland, while only three women reported similar control; the remaining seven women accessed land through spouses or informal borrowing, limiting autonomy in decision-making. Men also reported more regular access to inputs (25 out of 30) obtained fertilizers or certified seeds, whereas only four women could do so reliably. Extension support followed the same pattern: 18 men recalled recent visits compared to four women. In Sekyedumase, no female research participant had received extension services in the past year. The data suggest extension officers visit men more frequently, not necessarily by intent, but due to structural barriers: women's limited land ownership, weaker formal registration, caregiving responsibilities, and cultural norms that position men as primary farmers.

Credit access was reported by 21 male farmers, predominantly through farmer-based organizations and friends. Only one female participant indicated successful credit application. In FGDs, women emphasized lack of collateral and institutional mistrust as major barriers. A 42-year-old female farmer from Ejura expressed frustration with the gendered inequities in agricultural support, stating: “Farming is tough, especially for women like me. We're doing the same work, but men seem to get more support and resources” (Female participant, Ejura, Farmer 32). This sentiment was reinforced by another woman from Hiawoanwu, who highlighted the undervaluation of women's contributions: “Women are always working in the background, making sure the family farm survives, but our efforts aren't often valued. If women were given more opportunities and recognition, we could really make a difference in farming sustainably” (Female participant, 38 years, Hiawoanwu, Farmer 1). Even male research participants acknowledged these structural disparities. A 56-year-old male farmer in Sekyedumase recognized how land ownership confers decision-making power that women lack: “Because I own my land, I can decide what to plant and when to sell. That helps me plan better. But I know many women don't get that chance; they have to wait for their husbands before they can even farm” (Male participant, Sekyedumase, Farmer 21). These testimonies underscore how gender-based barriers in input, credit and land access systematically constrain women's adaptive capacity.

4.3 Climate adaptation strategies and variations

Of the 40 research participants, 22 reported practicing crop diversification, typically intercropping maize with legumes or cassava. Field visits corroborated these claims with interspersed rows and mixed cropping layouts, particularly in Hiawoanwu.

Soil and water conservation techniques were reported by 18 farmers. These included mulching (9), ridging (7), and small contour bunds (2). Visual assessment confirmed the presence of straw mulch and stone bunding in limited plots. Women research participants reported higher use of mulch due to its low cost and labor intensity.

Agroforestry practices were employed by 15 research participants. The majority planted mango, cashew, or avocado trees along farm boundaries or within plots. Tree cover was visibly denser in Ejura, with younger farmers more likely to adopt agroforestry. Among the 10 women, 6 reported planting multipurpose trees, mostly for shade and food. A 31-year-old female farmer from Ejura explained her motivation for integrating trees into her farming system: “I started planting mango trees along my farm edge. They give shade, and when the fruits come, I can sell them. It helps when the maize doesn't do well” (Female participant, Ejura, Farmer 10). This dual-purpose approach, providing ecological benefits while generating supplementary income, was echoed by younger male farmers. A 22-year-old farmer in Hiawoanwu emphasized both the protective and economic value of agroforestry: “Agroforestry is good business. The cashew trees protect my crops from too much sun, and I can earn extra money from the nuts later” (Male Farmer, Hiawoanwu, Farmer 17). These testimonies illustrate how agroforestry serves as both a climate adaptation strategy and an income diversification mechanism.

4.4 Livelihood diversification and non-farm activities

Twelve farmers (30%) engaged in off-farm income-generating activities to cope with climate risks. These included petty trading (5 women), artisanal work (3 men), and seasonal migration (4 men). Women in FGDs noted that non-farm income supported household food needs during lean seasons. Field notes highlighted the use of temporary shelters for processing cassava near their houses.

Remittances from migrated family members were mentioned by 6 research participants, 4 women and 2 men, as buffers during extreme weather events. Livelihood diversification was more common among younger and female research participants, especially those with limited landholding. A 34-year-old female farmer from Hiawoanwu described how off-farm income sustains her household during climate-induced agricultural shortfalls: “When the rains delay, I sell cassava flour at the market. The money helps buy food until the next harvest. Farming alone can't feed us anymore” (Female Farmer, Hiawoanwu, Farmer 5). Similarly, a 38-year-old male farmer in Ejura engaged in seasonal migration for construction work to cope with agricultural income gaps: “During the dry season, I work as a mason in town. It's hard work, but it keeps my family going when there's no farm income” (Male Farmer, Ejura, Farmer 16). These testimonies reveal how livelihood diversification has become an essential coping mechanism for climate-stressed households, reflecting both adaptive pragmatism and the increasing inadequacy of farming alone to ensure food and economic security.

4.5 Traditional knowledge and community support mechanisms

The use of indigenous knowledge was prevalent. Twenty-four farmers (60%) relied on traditional rainfall indicators such as ant movement, tree flowering, and wind direction (Suarez et al., 2014). These observations were consistently cited in FGDs as more reliable than external forecasts. However, farmers increasingly reported that these traditional indicators were becoming less predictable. A 35-year-old male farmer from Hiawoanwu expressed frustration with the growing unreliability of seasonal patterns: “It's hotter now, and the rains are unpredictable. We used to know exactly when to plant, but now it's a gamble” (Male participant, Hiawoanwu, Farmer 11).

This sentiment was echoed by a younger farmer in Sekyedumase, who noted the extremes of rainfall variability: “Sometimes we have too much rain, and other times it doesn't rain at all for months. It makes planting and watering crops very difficult” (Male participant, 28 years, Sekyedumase, Farmer 6). Despite lacking formal climate education, farmers demonstrated acute awareness of environmental changes. A female farmer from Ejura reflected: “We don't have formal education on climate change, but what we see in the fields and with our animals is enough to know that something is changing” (Female participant, 47 years, Ejura, Farmer 27).

Community seed sharing and labor exchanges were practiced by 18 farmers, predominantly among women. In Ejura and Sekyedumase, FGDs revealed informal support networks during planting and weeding seasons. These social arrangements functioned as adaptive safety nets, particularly for resource-constrained households.

4.6 Youth participation and intergenerational differences

Research participants aged 20–30 demonstrated greater openness to new adaptation practices, including the use of mobile weather alerts and trialing drought-tolerant varieties. Among the eight farmers in this cohort, six reported experimenting with new seeds. In contrast, farmers aged 50 and above tended to rely on long-standing practices and expressed skepticism toward unfamiliar methods. Although 50 years may not be universally considered old in agriculture, Ghanaian and broader Sub-Saharan African scholarship frequently defines “older adulthood” from age 50 due to lower life expectancy, early onset of farm-related physical strain, and socio-cultural categorizations of aging (Ashirifi et al., 2023). This generational divide was evident when a 26-year-old farmer noted, “I use my phone to check the weather… The older farmers don't trust these alerts” (Female participant, Ejura, Farmer 2).

In contrast, a 55-year-old male farmer in Ejura defended the value of traditional agricultural wisdom, cautioning against over-reliance on technology: “The youth rush to use phones and new seeds, but they forget the land listens to patience. We must keep our old ways so the soil stays strong” (Male participant, Ejura, Farmer 20). These contrasting perspectives reveal generational tensions in adaptation approaches. FGDs revealed deeper tensions between generations over farm decision-making, with younger research participants advocating for technology adoption while elders emphasized conservation of existing practices. Field observations noted mobile phones and radios being used more frequently by younger farmers to gather farming advice. This intergenerational dynamic suggests that effective adaptation strategies must bridge innovation with traditional ecological knowledge rather than privileging one over the other.

4.7 Perceived barriers to adaptation

Thirty (75%) research participants cited financial constraints as the primary barrier to adaptation. Limited capital affected input purchase, labor hiring, and irrigation development. In FGDs, women emphasized time poverty and caregiving roles as added burdens to climate response. A 37-year-old female farmer from Hiawoanwu articulated the compounded challenges women face in balancing farm work with household responsibilities: “Even if I know new ways to farm, I don't have the money to buy fertilizer or hire help. Taking care of the children leaves little time to work extra on the farm” (Female participant, Hiawoanwu, Farmer 7). Male farmers also reported significant financial barriers, though without the additional burden of caregiving. A 52-year-old male farmer in Ejura linked financial constraints to broader infrastructural deficiencies: “Even when I want to buy fertilizer or hire labor, the money is not enough. Poor roads and markets make it worse; crops can rot before I can sell them” (Male participant, Ejura, Farmer 18).

Limited access to technical knowledge was reported by 20 farmers, while 12 specifically mentioned absence of formal education on climate issues. Women reported lower awareness of government programs or available subsidies. No participant mentioned access to formal climate services such as extension-led climate forecasting. Infrastructure limitations including poor road access, inadequate storage, and unreliable markets were cited by 17 farmers. In Sekyedumase, post-harvest losses were reported by 7 farmers due to absence of drying platforms and protective storage. These testimonies reveal how adaptation barriers are interconnected, with financial constraints compounded by infrastructure gaps, limited technical support, and gendered time burdens.

4.8 Adaptive capacity and coping practices by gender

Male farmers exhibited broader access to adaptive technologies and institutional networks, often linked to their roles in farmer cooperatives. They reported larger-scale adaptation practices, such as mechanized ridging. A 50-year-old male farmer from Ejura explained how collective organization enabled access to resources and technology: “With my group, we get information and machinery support. It allows me to try larger-scale adaptation practices than I could do alone” (Male participant, Ejura, Farmer 39). In contrast, women adopted smaller-scale, labor-efficient practices such as mulching and seed preservation. A 47-year-old female farmer from Hiawoanwu described her resourceful approach to soil and water conservation despite lacking mechanized tools: “Mulching my maize fields saves me time and water. I cannot afford machines, but these small methods keep the soil healthy and crops alive” (Female participant, Hiawoanwu, Farmer 35).

Six women research participants highlighted the use of food preservation techniques, such as drying cowpea, cassava, and pepper, to manage seasonal food insecurity. Field visits confirmed solar drying racks in use. Men reported occasional use of motorized tools, while women emphasized low-cost, community-based techniques. These contrasting adaptation pathways reveal that while male farmers leveraged institutional access for capital-intensive practices, women's strategies centered on indigenous knowledge, ecological stewardship, and social networks, demonstrating adaptive capacity despite systemic resource constraints.

4.9 Spatial and infrastructural differences across sub-districts

Research participants in Ejura had relatively better access to input dealers, markets, and NGO support, compared to Sekyedumase and Hiawoanwu. FGDs in Ejura reported prior engagement in government-supported resilience programs. A 36-year-old female farmer from Ejura acknowledged the advantages of proximity to markets and institutional support: “We are lucky in Ejura. The market is close, and sometimes NGOs come to training us. It helps us plan better and sell faster” (Female participant, Ejura, Farmer 24). Conversely, farmers in Hiawoanwu and Sekyedumase emphasized isolation and delays in receiving agricultural inputs. A 39-year-old male farmer from Sekyedumase expressed frustration with the spatial disparities in support: “Our area doesn't get as much support as Ejura. We have to depend on ourselves for inputs, even when the land needs more care” (Male participant, Sekyedumase, Farmer 25).

Differences in land topography also influenced adaptation choices. Farmers on sloped plots, mainly in Hiawoanwu, reported erosion-related challenges and were more likely to use bunding and ridging. Those on flat lands practiced more intercropping and agroforestry. These spatial and infrastructural disparities reveal how adaptive capacity is shaped not only by individual resources and knowledge but also by geographic location, market proximity, and institutional presence. Table 2 provides comprehensive contextual information for the research participants associated with the selected verbatim quotations. This structured presentation of the data reflects the lived realities and reported practices of smallholder farmers, laying the foundation for further analysis and interpretation.

Table 2

Table 2. Contextual information for selected verbatim quotes.

5 Discussion

This study explored gendered perspectives on climate adaptation among smallholder farmers in the Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality of Ghana. It was guided by three research questions examining how male and female farmers experience climate variability differently, what gender-specific barriers and opportunities shape adaptation strategies, and how indigenous knowledge systems, institutional access, and socio-economic factors intersect to influence gendered adaptation capacity. Grounded in Feminist Political Ecology (FPE) and Adaptive Capacity theory, the research revealed significant gender disparities in resource access. It also highlighted innovative, community-centered adaptation practices employed by women despite systemic constraints. The findings reveal that male farmers benefit from larger-scale, institutionally supported adaptation practices such as mechanized ridging and formal cooperative membership. In contrast, women employ smaller-scale, labor-efficient, and ecologically grounded strategies including mulching, seed preservation, and food processing. These gendered pathways emerged not from inherent differences in capability but from structural inequalities in land tenure, credit access, and extension services that systematically marginalize women. Simultaneously, the research documents women's adaptive ingenuity through informal knowledge-sharing networks, water-saving techniques, and diversified seed banks. These practices reveal resilience that operates through relational assets and collective action rather than capital-intensive technologies. These insights address key research gaps in localized, context-specific climate adaptation studies while contributing theoretical advances to global scholarship on gender, agriculture, and environmental change.

5.1 Gendered resource inequities and structural barriers to adaptation

The pronounced disparities in land ownership, credit access, and extension services documented in this study affirm FPE's central premise that environmental challenges are neither gender-neutral nor solely ecological. Instead, it is fundamentally shaped by power relations embedded in socio-cultural and institutional structures (Glazebrook et al., 2020; Sultana, 2022). Women's limited land control, predominantly accessing plots through male relatives, creates tenure insecurity that directly constrains long-term adaptation investments such as agroforestry or soil improvement. This finding resonates with broader scholarship across Sub-Saharan Africa documenting how patriarchal land tenure systems restrict women's adaptive capacity (Lawson et al., 2020; Tantoh et al., 2021). However, this study extends existing knowledge by demonstrating how land insecurity intersects with financial exclusion. Only one female participant successfully accessed agricultural credit, compared to 21 male farmers, revealing compounded barriers that operate systemically rather than in isolation.

The virtual absence of extension support among women in Sekyedumase, where no female participant received services in the past year, highlights institutional invisibility. This invisibility renders women's agricultural contributions unrecognized despite their substantial labor inputs. This institutional neglect contradicts Adaptive Capacity theory's emphasis on information access as foundational to effective adaptation (Angula et al., 2021; Bhatta et al., 2017). The finding challenges dominant policy assumptions that extension services reach farming communities equitably. It exposes how gender bias embedded in agricultural institutions systematically excludes women from essential climate information and technological support. This exclusion is particularly consequential given evidence from this study that women demonstrate high awareness of environmental changes and employ sophisticated indigenous knowledge for climate prediction. It suggests that institutional failures, rather than knowledge deficits, constrain their adaptation.

Theoretically, these findings validate FPE's critique of climate adaptation frameworks that prioritize technical solutions while ignoring structural inequalities (Kristjanson et al., 2017). The research demonstrates that adaptation barriers are not merely resource gaps but manifestations of gendered power relations that determine who accesses land, credit, information, and decision-making authority. This insight contributes to global scholarship by highlighting how seemingly technical challenges, such as input access or extension delivery, are fundamentally political. They reflect and reproduce gender inequalities that must be addressed through transformative, rather than incremental, policy interventions.

5.2 Women's adaptive ingenuity: agency within structural constraints

Despite systemic exclusion, women in Ejura-Sekyedumase demonstrated remarkable adaptive ingenuity through practices requiring minimal external inputs yet yielding meaningful ecological and economic benefits. They pioneered water-saving techniques such as mulching with crop residues and maintained diversified seed banks preserving climate-resilient local varieties. They also developed food preservation innovations, including solar drying and fermentation. These practices represent adaptive strategies grounded in ecological stewardship and indigenous knowledge rather than capital intensity. These finding challenges deficit narratives that frame resource-constrained farmers, particularly women, as passive victims of climate change (Gumucio et al., 2020; Kristjanson et al., 2017). Instead, the research reveals adaptation as a creative, socially embedded process where women leverage relational assets, collective action, and traditional ecological knowledge to enhance resilience.

The testimony of women sharing drought-resistant seeds independent of institutional support exemplifies horizontal learning systems that operate outside male-dominated extension services. These networks create parallel knowledge systems that sustain agricultural biodiversity and community resilience. This finding extends Adaptive Capacity theory by demonstrating that adaptation resources involve not only material inputs but also social capital, indigenous knowledge, and community networks that enable innovation despite structural disadvantages (Drolet et al., 2015). The research thus contributes empirical evidence to feminist scholarship, showing that women's adaptation operates through fundamentally different pathways than men's. It prioritizes collective wellbeing and ecological sustainability over individual accumulation (Sultana, 2022).

Male research participants' acknowledgment of women's resourcefulness despite systemic disadvantages further validates the authenticity of these gendered adaptation patterns. Their observations that women “find clever ways to keep crops alive” even without machinery suggest that adaptive capacity transcends technological access. It resides equally in knowledge, social organization, and ecological attunement. These findings challenge mainstream climate adaptation discourse that privileges large-scale, technology-driven interventions. It highlight how low-cost, community-based practices, which constitute the daily reality of adaptation in resource-constrained contexts, are often marginalized (Jost et al., 2016).

Theoretically, these findings advance FPE by showing how women's agency manifests not through resistance to structural constraints but through creative navigation within them. This generates adaptive innovations that remain invisible to formal agricultural systems yet are critical to household and community survival (Glazebrook et al., 2020). This insight contributes to global scholarship by revealing that effective climate adaptation requires recognizing and supporting diverse adaptation pathways. It cautions against imposing uniform technological solutions that may be inaccessible or inappropriate for marginalized groups.

5.3 Indigenous knowledge systems and intergenerational adaptation dynamics

The widespread reliance on traditional rainfall indicators such as ant movement, tree flowering, and wind patterns, reported by 60% of research participants, underscores the enduring importance of indigenous knowledge systems. This is particularly significant in contexts where formal climate services are absent or inaccessible (Suarez et al., 2014; Paudyal et al., 2019). However, farmers' increasing observations that these indicators are becoming unreliable due to accelerating environmental changes reveal critical tensions between traditional knowledge and rapidly shifting climatic conditions. This finding extends existing scholarship by documenting not only the persistence of indigenous forecasting methods but also their erosion under climate change. It suggests that adaptation strategies must integrate, rather than replace, traditional knowledge with scientific climate information (Yeleliere et al., 2023a,b).

The intergenerational divide in adaptation approaches, with younger farmers embracing mobile weather alerts and drought-tolerant varieties while elders defend traditional practices, reflects broader tensions between innovation and heritage. Such tensions have been documented across agricultural systems globally (Bhatta et al., 2017). However, this study contributes a different insight by revealing that this divide is not merely about technology adoption. It fundamentally concerns epistemological authority: whose knowledge counts and how climate change should be understood. This also raises questions about which adaptation pathways ensure both immediate survival and long-term sustainability. Elders' caution that “the land listens to patience” and youth must “keep our old ways so the soil stays strong” articulates ecological wisdom that challenges techno-optimism underlying many climate adaptation interventions.

These findings advance Adaptive Capacity theory by demonstrating that adaptation knowledge is neither static nor uniformly distributed. Instead, it emerges through dynamic, contested negotiations between generations, knowledge systems, and information sources (Angula et al., 2021). The research suggests that effective adaptation requires creating spaces for intergenerational dialogue that honor traditional ecological knowledge while enabling experimentation with innovations, bridging rather than privileging either approach. This insight contributes to global scholarship by challenging binary framings of traditional vs. modern adaptation. It reveals that resilience emerges through hybrid knowledge systems integrating experiential wisdom with contemporary technologies.

5.4 Livelihood diversification as adaptive necessity and vulnerability indicator

The finding that 30% of research participants engaged in off-farm income-generating activities confirms livelihood diversification as a critical coping mechanism in climate-stressed agricultural systems. Women were disproportionately represented in petty trading, while men were more involved in seasonal migration (Neglo et al., 2021; Maharjan et al., 2020). Women's testimony that cassava flour sales sustain households “when rains delay” and farming “alone can't feed us anymore” reveals diversification not as strategic choice but as adaptive necessity driven by agricultural income inadequacy. This finding extends existing scholarship by demonstrating that livelihood diversification enhances short-term resilience. It simultaneously signals the limits of agricultural systems to sustain livelihoods under intensifying climate stress. This suggests that diversification may represent adaptation fatigue rather than transformative resilience (Verma and Sudan, 2021).

The reliance on remittances from migrated family members as buffers during extreme weather events highlights how climate adaptation operates across spatial scales. It links rural agricultural communities to urban labor markets through household-level resource flows. This finding contributes empirical evidence to scholarships arguing that adaptation is not confined to farming practices. It involves multi-scalar livelihood strategies that redistribute risk across household members and geographic spaces (Maharjan et al., 2020). However, the research also reveals gendered dimensions of diversification: women's off-farm activities remained localized and informal while men accessed formal wage labor through migration, reproducing gender inequalities even within adaptive responses.

Theoretically, these findings challenge Adaptive Capacity theory's emphasis on diversification as unambiguously positive. The findings reveal that diversification may mask underlying vulnerabilities and reproduce inequalities if driven by agricultural decline rather than genuine opportunity (Angula et al., 2021). The research thus contributes a key perspective to global adaptation scholarship by highlighting that the presence of diversification strategies does not necessarily indicate successful adaptation. Instead, it may signal deepening vulnerability that requires systemic agricultural and institutional reforms.

5.5 Spatial inequalities and the geography of adaptive capacity

The pronounced disparities in adaptive capacity across Ejura, Sekyedumase, and Hiawoanwu demonstrate that adaptation is fundamentally shaped by spatial context and infrastructure. Farmers in Ejura benefited from market proximity and institutional presence, while those in Sekyedumase and Hiawoanwu experienced isolation and delayed input access (Akuffo, 2024; Schofield and Gubbels, 2019). This finding extends existing scholarship by revealing how geographic marginalization compounds other vulnerabilities. It creates adaptation deserts where farmers lack not only resources but also institutional visibility and policy attention. The testimony from Sekyedumase farmers that their area “doesn't get as much support as Ejura” and that they “have to depend on ourselves” illustrates spatial injustice in climate governance. This inequality systematically disadvantages remote communities.

Topographical variations further influenced adaptation choices, with farmers on sloped lands prioritizing erosion control through bunding and ridging while those on flat terrain emphasized intercropping and agroforestry. This finding contributes empirical evidence to scholarship on agroecological specificity. It demonstrates that effective adaptation requires place-based interventions responsive to local environmental conditions rather than uniform prescriptions (Obour et al., 2022; Singh et al., 2020). The research thus advances Adaptive Capacity theory by explaining that adaptive capacity emerges not only from individual or household resources. It also arises from complex interactions between ecological conditions, infrastructure, and institutional presence that vary spatially even within small geographic areas.

These findings hold key implications for climate policy, revealing that national or district-level interventions risk reproducing spatial inequalities if they fail to account for sub-district variations in market access, infrastructure, and institutional reach. The research contributes to global scholarship by demonstrating that climate justice requires addressing not only gender and socio-economic inequalities but also spatial equity in adaptation support. It emphasizes targeting resources toward geographically marginalized communities experiencing compounded vulnerabilities.

5.6 Advancing sustainable development through gender-transformative climate action

This study makes substantive contributions to SDGs 2 (Zero Hunger), 5 (Gender Equality), and 13 (Climate Action) by demonstrating their fundamental interdependence (Larson and Larson, 2019; Mlambo and Niyitunga, 2024). The research reveals that achieving food security under climate change is impossible without addressing gender inequalities. These inequalities constrain women's adaptive capacity despite their central roles in food production. Women's labor-intensive practices of seed preservation, food drying, and crop diversification sustain household food security. Yet, these contributions remain invisible in national agricultural policies that prioritize male-dominated commercial production. This finding extends scholarship on SDG interlinkages by providing empirical evidence that gender equality is not merely compatible with climate action and food security but is their prerequisite (Tantoh et al., 2021).

The research challenges mainstream climate adaptation frameworks that prioritize technological solutions and capital-intensive practices. It reveals that effective adaptation emerges through community-based innovations, indigenous knowledge integration, and the strengthening of social networks, particularly among marginalized groups (Huyer et al., 2021; Kristjanson et al., 2017). The study contributes an essential perspective to global development discourse, which risks marginalizing low-cost, socially embedded adaptation strategies in favor of externally imposed interventions. It documents women's ecological stewardship and collective action as foundational to climate resilience. This insight advances scholarship on climate justice by explaining that equitable adaptation requires not only resource redistribution but also epistemological shifts. It emphasizes recognizing diverse knowledge systems and adaptive pathways as equally valid and valuable (Sultana, 2022).

5.7 Study limitations and future research directions

While this study provides deep contextual insights into gendered climate adaptation in Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality, several limitations warrant acknowledgment. The qualitative design and purposive sampling of 40 research participants, though appropriate for exploratory research, limits statistical generalizability to broader populations. The 75% male representation, while reflecting actual gender participation patterns in formal agricultural spaces, may understate women's adaptive contributions. This occurs despite deliberate strategies to amplify their voices. The seasonal timing of data collection between June and August 2023 captured specific moments in agricultural cycles. However, it missed year-round adaptation dynamics, potentially overlooking seasonal variations in gendered labor patterns and coping strategies.

Future research should adopt longitudinal designs tracking adaptation trajectories over multiple years to capture temporal dimensions of resilience and vulnerability under intensifying climate stress. Mixed methods approach integrating quantitative surveys, participatory GIS mapping, and qualitative narratives would enable both statistical generalization and contextual depth. This method would also reveal spatial patterns of adaptive capacity across larger geographic areas (Gibson, 2017).

Incorporating intersectional analysis that examines how gender interacts with age, ethnicity, household structure, and disability status would surface intra-gender diversity. This diversity is currently obscured in broad gender categories (Sultana, 2022). Participatory action research engaging farmers as co-researchers rather than mere research subjects would enhance both empirical validity and practical relevance. It would also center community agency in knowledge production (Rodríguez-Labajos et al., 2021).

Comparative studies across multiple districts and agro-ecological zones within Ghana and internationally would highlight how context shapes gendered adaptation patterns. Such research would advance theoretical understanding of the conditions that enable women's adaptive agency vs. those that reproduce marginalization. Research explicitly examining institutional change processes, including how to transform extension services, land tenure systems, and credit mechanisms to support gender-equitable adaptation, is needed. Such research would bridge the gap between empirical documentation and policy transformation.

Finally, studies exploring the psychological and emotional dimensions of climate adaptation, including how farmers experience climate anxiety, loss, and hope, are needed. Such research would humanize adaptation scholarship beyond technical and economic framings, recognizing adaptation as fundamentally about human dignity, wellbeing, and justice.

5.8 Recommendations

Based on these findings, we propose actionable recommendations targeting multiple stakeholders. The Government of Ghana, the Ministry of Food and Agriculture, and District Assemblies could implement gender-responsive agricultural reforms. These could include gender-sensitive land tenure systems granting women secure ownership and collateral-free microfinance specifically targeting women's adaptation initiatives. They could also introduce mandatory gender quotas in farmer cooperatives and agricultural decision-making bodies (Glazebrook et al., 2020; Lawson et al., 2020). Agricultural Extension Directorates could decentralize services and recruit and train female extension agents. They could also schedule training sessions that accommodate women's caregiving responsibilities. Additionally, all programs could be conducted in local languages (Gumucio et al., 2020).

Development agencies and Non-Governmental Organizations could scale up locally practiced climate-smart innovations such as composting, mulching, agroforestry, and intercropping. This could be achieved through farmer-led demonstrations and the integration of indigenous knowledge. They should prioritize providing affordable input rather than imposing external technologies (Kristjanson et al., 2017). Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies could prioritize infrastructure investments in geographically marginalized areas, including all-season roads, post-harvest storage facilities, irrigation systems, and market linkages. This would help ensure spatial equity in adaptation support (Schofield and Gubbels, 2019). Youth Ministries and agricultural institutions could establish mentorship programs that pair elder farmers with youth. These programs would create intergenerational learning platforms that honor traditional knowledge while fostering innovation (Bhatta et al., 2017).

District Assemblies could institutionalize community-based adaptation networks, including women's farming cooperatives and seed-sharing groups. They could also provide these groups with access to public climate funds and representation in local planning committees (Angula et al., 2021). Meteorological services could collaborate with local radio stations to integrate indigenous forecasting with scientific climate data. They could also use visual tools and vernacular messaging accessible across literacy levels (Paudyal et al., 2019). These recommendations collectively aim to transform structural inequalities while recognizing and scaling farmers' existing adaptive innovations. The recommendations move beyond technical fixes toward systemic change that centers equity, community agency, and ecological sustainability.

6 Conclusion

This study demonstrates that effective climate adaptation in smallholder farming cannot be gender-blind. In Ejura-Sekyedumase, Ghana, women's exclusion from formal agricultural systems does not equate to adaptive incapacity. Instead, it fosters a distinct, community-rooted resilience that sustains households in the face of escalating climate risks. The research moves beyond documenting disparities to reveal how agency emerges within constraint by centering localized voices and integrating Feminist Political Ecology with Adaptive Capacity theory. It contributes to global scholarship by challenging technocratic definitions of adaptation. It also affirms the value of indigenous knowledge and exposes the spatial and institutional dimensions of gendered vulnerability.

The findings affirm that achieving SDGs 2 (Zero Hunger), 5 (Gender Equality), and 13 (Climate Action) requires integrated, context-specific interventions. These interventions must recognize women not as beneficiaries but as innovators. Policy must shift from merely “including” women to transforming the structural barriers, in land, credit, and extension, that limit their potential. As climate pressures intensify, the ingenuity documented in this study offers not just a local lifeline but a global lesson. Resilient food systems are built not only on technology, but on equity, recognition, and the quiet, persistent labor of women who “grow their own solutions.”

Data availability statement

The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/supplementary material, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.

Ethics statement

Ethical review and approval were not required for this study in accordance with Ghana's National Health Research Ethics Guidelines and the institutional policies of the University of Education, Winneba (Ghana), which exempt non-invasive, low-risk social science research involving adult participants from formal Ethics Committee review. The study involved voluntary, verbal informed consent, posed no physical or psychological risk, and maintained participant confidentiality and anonymity throughout. The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author contributions

FA: Conceptualization, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Resources, Software, Supervision, Validation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. WA-D: Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Software, Supervision, Validation, Writing – review & editing. YA: Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Software, Supervision, Validation, Writing – review & editing. BA: Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Software, Supervision, Validation, Writing – review & editing.

Funding

The author(s) declared that financial support was not received for this work and/or its publication.

Acknowledgments

We are deeply grateful to all the smallholder farmers from Ejura, Hiawoanwu, and Sekyedumase who generously gave their time and shared their experiences and knowledge about climate adaptation and sustainable farming practices.

Conflict of interest

The author(s) declared that this work was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Correction note

A correction has been made to this article. Details can be found at: 10.3389/fclim.2026.1783343.

Generative AI statement

The author(s) declared that generative AI was not used in the creation of this manuscript.

Any alternative text (alt text) provided alongside figures in this article has been generated by Frontiers with the support of artificial intelligence and reasonable efforts have been made to ensure accuracy, including review by the authors wherever possible. If you identify any issues, please contact us.

Publisher's note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

References

Acheampong, P. P., Yeboah, S., Adabah, R., Asibuo, J. Y., Nchanji, E. B., Opoku, M., et al. (2023). Gendered perceptions and adaptations to climate change in Ghana: what factors influence the choice of an adaptation strategy? Front. Sust. Food Syst. 7:1091812. doi: 10.3389/fsufs.2023.1091812

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Adusei, F. Y. (2021). Climate-smart agriculture from the intensive vegetable farmers perspectival. Big Data Agric. 3, 100–107. doi: 10.26480/bda.02.2021.100.107

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Adusei, F. Y., Adusei, M. A., and Lartey, B. (2023). A roadmap for sustainable disease, pest, and weed management. Biol. Life Sci. Forum 27:24. doi: 10.3390/IECAG2023-14989

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Akuffo, A. G. (2024). Who gets to go to school? Exploring the micro-politics of girls' education in Ghana. Int. J. Qual. Stud. Educ. 37, 1006–1030. doi: 10.1080/09518398.2023.2178685

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Angula, M. N., Mogotsi, I., Lendelvo, S., Aribeb, K. M., Iteta, A. M., and Thorn, J. P. (2021). Strengthening gender responsiveness of the Green Climate Fund ecosystem-based adaptation programme in Namibia. Sustainability 13:10162. doi: 10.3390/su131810162

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Antwi-Agyei, P., and Nyantakyi-Frimpong, H. (2021). Evidence of climate change coping and adaptation practices by smallholder farmers in northern Ghana. Sustainability 13:1308. doi: 10.3390/su13031308

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Arintyas, A. P. R. D. A. (2024). Women, agriculture, and villages: a community of empowerment study to achieve wellbeing and sustainable development. J. Agrosociol. Sust. 2, 1–16. doi: 10.61511/jassu.v2i1.2024.887

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Ashirifi, G., Teshome, A., Adamek, M., and Adeniji, D. (2023). Defining old age in sub-Saharan Africa: the perspective of African scholars and professionals. Innov. Aging 7(Suppl. 1):718. doi: 10.1093/geroni/igad104.2326

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Asiedu, E., Amidu, M., Halidu, O. B., Amidu, M., Ali-Nakyea, A., Abor, J. Y., et al. (2024). “The impact of natural resource depletion on climate change vulnerability and income inequalities in Africa,” in Taxation and Management of Natural Resources in Africa (Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland), 421–460. doi: 10.1007/978-3-031-58124-3_17

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Ayim, I., Ambenne, M., Commey, V., Alenyorege, E. A., Aworh, O. C., Owusu-Darko, P. G., et al. (2024). “Health and nutritional perspectives of foods in the middle belt of Ghana,” in Nutritional and Health Aspects of Food in Western Africa (San Diego, CA: Academic Press), 75–109. doi: 10.1016/B978-0-443-27384-1.00015-2

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Banu, N., and Fazal, S. (2025). “Climate change, livelihood crisis and resilience: an introduction,” in Livelihoods and Well-being in the Era of Climate Change, eds. N. Banu and S. Fazal (Cham: Springer), 3–18. doi: 10.1007/978-3-031-81132-6_1

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Barrett, S. (2013). Local level climate justice? Adaptation finance and vulnerability reduction. Glob. Environ. Change 23, 1819–1829. doi: 10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2013.07.015

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Behrman, J. A., Meinzen-Dick, R., and Quisumbing, A. R. (2014). “Understanding gender and culture in agriculture: the role of qualitative and quantitative approaches,” in Gender in Agriculture, eds. A. Quisumbing, R. Meinzen-Dick, T. Raney, A. Croppenstedt, J. Behrman, and A. Peterman (Dordrecht: Springer), 19–33. doi: 10.1007/978-94-017-8616-4_2

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Bhatta, G. D., Ojha, H. R., Aggarwal, P. K., Sulaiman, V. R., Sultana, P., Thapa, D., et al. (2017). Agricultural innovation and adaptation to climate change: empirical evidence from diverse agro-ecologies in South Asia. Environ. Dev. Sust. 19, 497–525. doi: 10.1007/s10668-015-9743-x

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Bjornlund, V., Bjornlund, H., and Van Rooyen, A. F. (2020). Why agricultural production in sub-Saharan Africa remains low compared to the rest of the world – a historical perspective. Int. J. Water Resour. Dev. 36, S20–S53. doi: 10.1080/07900627.2020.1739512

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Bohensky, E., Stone-Jovicich, S., Larson, S., and Marshall, N. (2010). “Adaptive capacity in theory and reality: implications for governance in the Great Barrier Reef region,” in Adaptive Capacity and Environmental Governance, eds. D. Armitage and R. Plummer (Heidelberg, Berlin: Springer), 33–50. doi: 10.1007/978-3-642-12194-4_2

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Braun, V., and Clarke, V. (2019). Reflecting on reflexive thematic analysis. Qual. Res. Sport Exerc. Health 11, 589–597. doi: 10.1080/2159676X.2019.1628806

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Creswell, J. W. (2009). Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods Approaches, 3rd Edn. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Google Scholar

Darjee, K. B., Neupane, P. R., and Köhl, M. (2023). Proactive adaptation responses by vulnerable communities to climate change impacts. Sustainability 15, 10952. doi: 10.3390/su151410952

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Dolinska, A., and d'Aquino, P. (2016). Farmers as agents in innovation systems: empowering farmers for innovation through communities of practice. Agric. Syst. 142, 122–130. doi: 10.1016/j.agsy.2015.11.009

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Drolet, J., Dominelli, L., Alston, M., Ersing, R., Mathbor, G., and Wu, H. (2015). Women rebuilding lives post-disaster: innovative community practices for building resilience and promoting sustainable development. Gen. Dev. 23, 433–448. doi: 10.1080/13552074.2015.1096040

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipal Assembly (2023). Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipal Assembly Annual Progress Report 2022. ESMA. Available online at: https://esma.gov.gh/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/ESMA-Annual-Progress-Report-2022.pdf (Accessed August 17, 2025).

Google Scholar

Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipal Assembly. (n.d.). 2018–2021 Medium-Term Development Plan: Annual Report. National Development Planning Commission. Available online at: https://ndpc.gov.gh/media/AR_Ejura_Sekyedumase_2018-2021.pdf (Accessed September 20, 2025).

Google Scholar

Elias, M., Joshi, D., and Meinzen-Dick, R. (2021). Restoration for whom, by whom? A feminist political ecology of restoration. Ecol. Restor. 39, 3–15. doi: 10.3368/er.39.1-2.3

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Fahad, S., Chavan, S. B., Chichaghare, A. R., Uthappa, A. R., Kumar, M., Kakade, V., et al. (2022). Agroforestry systems for soil health improvement and maintenance. Sustainability 14:14877. doi: 10.3390/su142214877

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Ghana Statistical Service (2010). 2010 Population and Housing Census Report: Ejura Sekyedumase District. Ghana Statistical Service. Available online at: https://statsghana.gov.gh/gssmain/fileUpload/2010%20Dist%20Rep/EJURA%20SEKYEDUMA.pdf (Accessed September 20, 2025).

Google Scholar

Ghana Statistical Service (2014). District Analytical Report: Ejura-Sekyedumase Municipality. Available online at: https://www2.statsghana.gov.gh/docfiles/2010_District_Report/Ashanti/EJURA%20SEKYEDUMA.pdf (Accessed September 20, 2025).

Google Scholar

Gibson, C. B. (2017). Elaboration, generalization, triangulation, and interpretation: on enhancing the value of mixed method research. Organiz. Res. Methods 20, 193–223. doi: 10.1177/1094428116639133

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Glazebrook, T., Noll, S., and Opoku, E. (2020). Gender matters: climate change, gender bias, and women's farming in the global South and North. Agriculture 10, 267. doi: 10.3390/agriculture10070267

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Gumucio, T., Hansen, J., Huyer, S., and Van Huysen, T. (2020). Gender-responsive rural climate services: a review of the literature. Clim. Dev. 12, 241–254. doi: 10.1080/17565529.2019.1613216

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Hatfield, J. L., Antle, J., Garrett, K. A., et al. (2020). Indicators of climate change in agricultural systems. Clim. Change 163, 1719–1732. doi: 10.1007/s10584-018-2222-2

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Havemann, T., Negra, C., and Werneck, F. (2022). “Blended finance for agriculture: exploring the constraints and possibilities of combining financial instruments for sustainable transitions,” in Social Innovation and Sustainability Transition (Springer Nature Switzerland), 347–358. Available online at: http://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-031-18560-1_23 (Accessed September 10, 2025).

PubMed Abstract | Google Scholar

Heath, J., Williamson, H., Williams, L., and Harcourt, D. (2018). “It's just more personal”: using multiple methods of qualitative data collection to facilitate participation in research focusing on sensitive subjects. Appl. Nurs. Res. 43, 30–35. doi: 10.1016/j.apnr.2018.06.015

PubMed Abstract | Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Heim, C. (2024). Drivers and Constraints in Adopting Dynamic Agroforestry Among Cocoa Smallholders in Ghana. Zurich: ETH Zurich Research.

Google Scholar

Herrero, M., Thornton, P. K., Bernués, A., Baltenweck, I., Vervoort, J., van de Steeg, J., et al. (2014). Exploring future changes in smallholder farming systems by linking socio-economic scenarios with regional and household models. Glob. Environ. Change 24, 165–182. doi: 10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2013.12.008

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Huyer, S., Simelton, E., Chanana, N., Mulema, A. A., and Marty, E. (2021). Expanding opportunities: a framework for gender and socially-inclusive climate resilient agriculture. Front. Clim. 3:718240. doi: 10.3389/fclim.2021.718240

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Jack, E. P., and Raturi, A. S. (2006). Lessons learned from methodological triangulation in management research. Manag. Res. News 29, 345–357. doi: 10.1108/01409170610683833

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Jagadesh, M., Dash, M., Kumari, A., Singh, S. K., Verma, K. K., Kumar, P., et al. (2024). Revealing the hidden world of soil microbes: metagenomic insights into plant, bacteria, and fungi interactions for sustainable agriculture and ecosystem restoration. Microbiol. Res. 285:127764. doi: 10.1016/j.micres.2024.127764

PubMed Abstract | Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Jost, C., Kyazze, F., Naab, J., Neelormi, S., Kinyangi, J., Zougmore, R., et al. (2016). Understanding gender dimensions of agriculture and climate change in smallholder farming communities. Clim. Dev. 8, 133–144. doi: 10.1080/17565529.2015.1050978

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Kabo-Bah, J. B. W., and Bannor, R. K. (2025). E-commerce among grain traders and its impact on marketing. Sust. Technol. Entrepr. 4:100090. doi: 10.1016/j.stae.2024.100090

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Kristjanson, P., Bryan, E., Bernier, Q., Twyman, J., Meinzen-Dick, R., Kieran, C., et al. (2017). Addressing gender in agricultural research for development in the face of a changing climate: where are we and where should we be going? International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 15, 482–500. doi: 10.1080/14735903.2017.1336411

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Larson, P. D., and Larson, N. M. (2019). The hunger of nations: an empirical study of inter-relationships among the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). J. Sust. Dev. 12, 39–47. doi: 10.5539/jsd.v12n6p39

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Lawson, E. T., Alare, R. S., Salifu, A. R. Z., and Thompson-Hall, M. (2020). Dealing with climate change in semi-arid Ghana: understanding intersectional perceptions and adaptation strategies of women farmers. Geo J. 85, 439–452. doi: 10.1007/s10708-019-09974-4

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Lim, W. M. (2024). What is qualitative research? An overview and guidelines. Austral. Market. J. 33, 199–229. doi: 10.1177/14413582241264619

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Maharjan, A., de Campos, R. S., Singh, C., Das, S., Srinivas, A., Bhuiyan, M. R., et al. (2020). Migration and household adaptation in climate-sensitive hotspots in South Asia. Curr. Clim. Change Rep. 6, 1–6. doi: 10.1007/s40641-020-00153-z

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Mamabolo, E., Makwela, M. M., and Tsilo, T. J. (2020). Achieving sustainability and biodiversity conservation in agriculture: importance, challenges and prospects. Eur. J. Sust. Dev. 9, 616–616. doi: 10.14207/ejsd.2020.v9n3p616

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Mawere, J., and Mukonza, R. M. (2024). Empowering marginalised communities: leveraging indigenous knowledge for sustainable energy development in South Africa. Sust. Dev. 33, 2440–2448. doi: 10.1002/sd.3243

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

McLafferty, I. (2004). Focus group interviews as a data collecting strategy. J. Adv. Nurs. 48, 187–194. doi: 10.1111/j.1365-2648.2004.03186.x

PubMed Abstract | Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

McLean, K. A., Sgrò, A., Brown, L. R., Buijs, L. F., Mozolowski, K., Daines, L., et al. (2024). Implementation of digital remote postoperative monitoring in routine practice: a qualitative study of barriers and facilitators. BMC Med. Informat. Decis. Making 24:307. doi: 10.1186/s12911-024-02670-5

PubMed Abstract | Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Mercer, D. E. (2004). Adoption of agroforestry innovations in the tropics: a review. Agrofor. Syst. 61, 311–328. doi: 10.1023/B:AGFO.0000029007.85754.70

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Mlambo, V. H., and Niyitunga, E. B. (2024). Assessing SDG achievement in Africa: case studies on poverty, hunger, and gender equality. Int. J. Dev. Sust. 13, 546–564.

Google Scholar

Moser, A., and Korstjens, I. (2018). Series: practical guidance to qualitative research. Part 3: sampling, data collection and analysis. Eur. J. Gen. Pract. 24, 9–18. doi: 10.1080/13814788.2017.1375091

PubMed Abstract | Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Neglo, K. A. W., Gebrekidan, T., and Lyu, K. (2021). Determinants of participation in non-farm activities and its effect on household income: an empirical study in Ethiopia. J. Dev. Agric. Econ. 13, 72–92. doi: 10.5897/JDAE2020.1231

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Nyathi, D., Ndlovu, J., and Dzvimbo, M. (2025). The socio-economic impact of de-agrarianisation in Sub-Sahara: a re-look on rural livelihoods and employment. J. Sust. Dev. Law Policy 16, 25–51. doi: 10.4314/jsdlp.v16i1.2

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Obour, P. B., Arthur, I. K., and Owusu, K. (2022). The 2020 maize production failure in Ghana: a case study of Ejura-Sekyedumase municipality. Sustainability 14:3514. doi: 10.3390/su14063514

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Ogwu, M. C., Izah, S. C., Ntuli, N. R., and Odubo, T. C. (2024). “Food security complexities in the Global South,” in Food Safety and Quality in the Global South, eds. M. C. Ogwu, S. C. Izah, and N. R. Ntuli (Singapore: Springer), 3–33. doi: 10.1007/978-981-97-2428-4_1

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Owen-Smith, A., Coast, J., Jackson, L., Kinghorn, P., Al-Janabi, H., and Baker, R. (2017). “Understanding data collection: interviews, focus groups and observation,” in Qualitative Methods for Health Economics (London: Rowman and Littlefield), 59–91.

Google Scholar

Owusu, E., Ocloo, K. A., and Atanga, R. A. (2020). Development communication and project sustainability: empirical analysis of Ejura Sekyedumase Municipality in Ghana. J. Dev. Commun. 31, 46–56. Available online at: https://jdc.journals.unisel.edu.my/index.php/jdc/article/view/160 (Accessed August 23, 2025).

Google Scholar

Paudyal, B. R., Chanana, N., Khatri-Chhetri, A., Sherpa, L., Kadariya, I., and Aggarwal, P. (2019). Gender integration in climate change and agricultural policies: the case of Nepal. Front. Sust. Food Syst. 3:66. doi: 10.3389/fsufs.2019.00066

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Rao, K. P. C., Verchot, L. V., and Laarman, J. (2007). Adaptation to climate change through sustainable management and development of agroforestry systems. J. SAT Agric. Res. 4, 1–30. Available online at: http://oar.icrisat.org/2561/1/Adaptation_to_Climate_Change.pdf (Accessed September 27, 2025).

Google Scholar

Rodríguez-Labajos, L., Thomson, C. S., and O'Brien, G. (2021). Applying constructivist grounded theory in co-production research: a case study exploring its potential and lessons for construction management research. Constr. Manag. Econ. 39, 369–382. doi: 10.1080/01446193.2021.1894654

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Root, L., Van Der Krabben, E., and Spit, T. (2015). Bridging the financial gap in climate adaptation: Dutch planning and land development through a new institutional lens. J. Environ. Plann. Manag. 58, 701–718. doi: 10.1080/09640568.2014.885412

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Schofield, D., and Gubbels, F. (2019). Informing notions of climate change adaptation: a case study of everyday gendered realities of climate change adaptation in an informal settlement in Dar es Salaam. Environ. Urban. 31, 93–114. doi: 10.1177/0956247819830074

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Schreier, M., Flick, U., Maxwell, J. A., Mertens, D. M., Kennedy, B. L., and Thornberg, R. (2018). “Sampling and generalization,” in The SAGE Handbook of Qualitative Data Collection (London: SAGE Publications), 84–97. doi: 10.4135/9781526416070.n6

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Singh, B. R., Safalaoh, A., Amuri, N. A., Eik, L. O., Sitaula, B. K., and Lal, R. (2020). “Knowledge gaps and research priorities,” in Climate Impacts on Agricultural and Natural Resource Sustainability in Africa (Springer), 607–623. Available online at: http://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-37537-9_34 (Accessed September 10, 2025).

Google Scholar

Singh, R. P., Prasad, P. V., and Reddy, K. R. (2013). Impacts of changing climate and climate variability on seed production and seed industry. Adv. Agron. 118, 49–110. doi: 10.1016/B978-0-12-405942-9.00002-5

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Suarez, P., Mendler de Suarez, J., Koelle, B., Boykoff, M., Schipper, E. L., and Ayers, J. (2014). “Serious fun: scaling up community-based adaptation through experiential learning,” in Community-Based Adaptation to Climate Change (London: Routledge), 136–151.

Google Scholar

Suhaeb, F. W., Tamrin, S., Jumadi, J., and Irwan, I. (2024). Community adaptation strategies to climate change: towards sustainable social development. Migr. Lett. 21, 943–953. Available online at: https://migrationletters.com/index.php/ml/article/view/7017 (Accessed August 23, 2025).

Google Scholar

Sultana, F. (2022). Critical climate justice. Geogr. J. 188, 118–124. doi: 10.1111/geoj.12417

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Suprayitno, D., Iskandar, S., Dahurandi, K., Hendarto, T., and Rumambi, F. J. (2024). Public policy in the era of climate change: adapting strategies for sustainable futures. Migr. Lett. 21, 945–958. Available online at: https://migrationletters.com/index.php/ml/article/view/8068 (August 20, 2025).

Google Scholar

Tantoh, H. B., McKay, T. T., Donkor, F. E., and Simatele, M. D. (2021). Gender roles, implications for water, land, and food security in a changing climate: a systematic review. Front. Sust. Food Syst. 5:707835. doi: 10.3389/fsufs.2021.707835

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Tisdell, E. J., Merriam, S. B., and Stuckey-Peyrot, H. L. (2025). Qualitative Research: A Guide to Design and Implementation. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley and Sons.

Google Scholar

van Wesenbeeck, C. F., Sonneveld, B. G., and Voortman, R. L. (2016). Localization and characterization of populations vulnerable to climate change: two case studies in Sub-Saharan Africa. Appl. Geogr. 66, 81–91. doi: 10.1016/j.apgeog.2015.11.001

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Verma, S., and Sudan, F. K. (2021). Impact of climate change on marginal and small farmers' livelihood and their adaptation strategies – a review. Reg. Econ. Dev. Res. 2, 96–112. doi: 10.37256/redr.222021896

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Wens, M. L., Van Loon, A. F., Veldkamp, T. I., and Aerts, J. C. (2022). Education, financial aid, and awareness can reduce smallholder farmers' vulnerability to drought under climate change. Nat. Haz. Earth Syst. Sci. 22, 1201–1232. doi: 10.5194/nhess-22-1201-2022

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Yeleliere, E., Antwi-Agyei, P., and Guodaar, L. (2023a). Farmers' response to climate variability and change in rainfed farming systems: insight from lived experiences of farmers. Heliyon 9:e20050. doi: 10.1016/j.heliyon.2023.e19656

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar

Yeleliere, E., Antwi-Agyei, P., and Nyamekye, A. B. (2023b). Mainstreaming indigenous knowledge systems and practices in climate-sensitive policies for resilient agricultural systems in Ghana. Soc. Nat. Resour. 36, 639–659. doi: 10.1080/08941920.2023.2183446

Crossref Full Text | Google Scholar