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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

Front. Polit. Sci., 24 November 2025

Sec. International Studies

Volume 7 - 2025 | https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2025.1694298

This article is part of the Research TopicFacing contemporary antifeminism: a call for intersectionalityView all 5 articles

Contemporary strategies of women activists in the gender equality movement in Central Asia

  • 1Center for Religious Studies, Institute of Philosophy, Political Science and Religious Studies CS MSHE RK, Almaty, Kazakhstan
  • 2Department of Cybersecurity and Information Technology, Almaty Academy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs named after M. Esbulatov, Almaty, Kazakhstan

Introduction: Movements for gender equality in Muslim countries represent a significant aspect of social progress. These movements not only strengthen women’s position in society but also foster a broader understanding of human rights within the context of cultural and religious traditions. Research on this topic reveals unique strategies and approaches that can be applied to achieve equality in other regions of the world. The present study aims to identify and analyze the novel strategies employed by women activists in the gender equality movement across Central Asian countries.

Methods: Data were collected through online surveys, content analysis, and ANOVA.

Results: The findings provide new insights into the contemporary approaches utilized by gender equality activists in Central Asia. Using Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan as case studies, the study identified positive changes in gender relations. In Uzbekistan, the proportion of women in the local parliament increased to 30.8%. The figure was 18.8% in Kyrgyzstan, 12% in Tajikistan, and 9% in Kazakhstan. In Turkmenistan, the indicator has remained virtually unchanged, standing at 25.6% in 2024, which is 0.4% lower than in 2000. A comparison of women’s participation in the economy and politics of these countries revealed certain trends and disparities. The data demonstrate that the representation of women in local politics does not always correspond to their participation in leading economic positions. For instance, the highest numbers of women in business leadership roles are observed in Kazakhstan (31.1%) and Kyrgyzstan (21.7%). This contrasts with the regional average of 17.3% for Europe & Central Asia and 18.6% for OECD countries.

Discussion: These results show that contemporary women activists actively employ novel approaches, including social media engagement and cross-cultural alliance building, to promote their ideas and draw attention to issues of inequality. Their efforts and recommendations contribute to the formation of a more inclusive public discourse and a shift in the perception of gender roles within society. An important factor in overcoming gender inequality involves improving women’s access to education and enhancing their financial independence.

1 Introduction

Central Asia represents a region defined by a distinctive interplay of Soviet-era secularism, Islamic revivalism, and deeply rooted patriarchal traditions. This collision of worldviews produces a complex social dynamic in which modernization initiatives confront the influence of religious communities and entrenched family practices. Consequently, political and cultural transformations unfold in a cyclical manner: urban progress coexists with the conservatism of rural life, while younger generations find themselves navigating between aspirations for change and reverence for inherited traditions.

The contemporary movement for gender equality faces numerous challenges globally. These include resistance and criticism from religious organizations and their leaders (Tadros and Shutt, 2024). In some instances, there is a disregard for gender rights and a lack of support from traditional power structures in advocating for them (Suteu, 2025). Women activists who defend gender equality and strive for change are consequently developing novel approaches. These strategies are designed to account for specific cultural and religious contexts to effectively advance their ideas. Within the global context, such efforts constitute a vital part of the broader movement for women’s rights and equality, underscoring the necessity for dialogue and cooperation across different cultures (Weldon et al., 2023).

While religion has long been perceived as a barrier to women’s emancipation and gender equality (Stals, 2025), the Quran contains socio-religious ideas supportive of gender equality. However, these principles are often overlooked and obscured by misinterpretations that place women in a disadvantaged position compared to men (Mendoza et al., 2021). A similar situation is observable in many Muslim countries, where such interpretations can form part of state policy (Gouda and Potrafke, 2016).

In recent decades, the issue of gender equality in the Muslim world has become a subject of active debate and scholarly inquiry (Boland, 2021; Mir-Hosseini, 2022). Contemporary scholarship is predominantly saturated with cases from the Arab world and Southeast Asia (Aldossari and Calvard, 2022; Tang and Lui, 2024; Mir-Hosseini, 2022; Nehaluddin et al., 2024). Nevertheless, its complexity and multifaceted nature demand deeper analysis, particularly in the context of Central Asia. The region exemplifies a unique combination of Soviet-era secular heritage, Islamic revival, and globalization processes. Therefore, it represents an ideal laboratory for examining gender dynamics (Urinboyev, 2023; Zhussipbek et al., 2020). It is also crucial to recognize that patriarchal traditions, conservative religious interpretations, socio-economic inequality, and political constraints collectively pose significant challenges for women seeking equality and justice (Khelghat-Doost and Sibly, 2020).

In post-Soviet Central Asia, many policies in the field of relations, including gender justice initiatives, are predominantly introduced and implemented using top-down approaches. Consequently, these policies often lack clear and effective guidelines, resulting in considerable uncertainty during their implementation at both institutional and local levels. Furthermore, the efficacy of such policies is limited by the insufficient capacity of the administrators responsible for their implementation. This limitation reflects not only a lack of training or resources but also the extent to which these administrators rely on their environment’s prevailing cultural and social norms. These norms frequently influence their perception of gender issues and the priority they assign to gender equality within institutions (Kataeva et al., 2025).

Four key factors shape the structure of the concept of feminism. The first is the belief that stereotypes of femininity constitute a part of feminism. The second is the conviction that positive personal attributes are also related to feminism. The third factor involves the belief that negative stereotypes about feminists form a component of feminism. Finally, the fourth belief holds that the ideals of equality and justice are an integral part of feminism. A more sophisticated understanding of this concept integrates the multifaceted nature of feminism, incorporating elements ranging from negative stereotypes, such as misandry, to ideals associated with gender equality into a single, unified scale (McLaughlin and Aikman, 2020).

It is crucial not only to identify these problems but also to comprehend how they interact within the specific context of Central Asia. Research on gender equality in the region can illuminate the unique strategies and forms of resistance employed by women activists. Furthermore, such research can inform effective policy recommendations that would aim to improve the status of women and advance gender equality throughout the Muslim world.

This study aims to explore the mechanisms for expanding women’s economic rights and opportunities in regions characterized by strong patriarchal norms and Soviet legacies, with an emphasis on practices that foster economic resilience and mobility. Methodologically, the research adopts a mixed-methods approach combining qualitative semi-structured interviews with activists, representatives of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and female leaders; network content analysis and the examination of under-researched programs; as well as cross-national statistical comparisons of women’s participation in economic and political life to identify systemic barriers.

The practical significance of the present study, which focuses on the gender equality movement in Muslim countries, lies in its potential to identify effective strategies and approaches. The findings can be adapted for application across diverse cultural and religious contexts. The present investigation can assist activists and organizations promoting women’s rights to better understand local realities and develop more targeted programs to shift public opinion and influence the political landscape. The study’s contribution to global scholarship involves expanding knowledge on the interplay between gender issues and religious traditions. Its analysis of how these factors influence social change provides a foundation for further academic discourse and practical initiatives, promoting a deeper understanding of gender equality as a global challenge that requires a comprehensive and multilateral approach.

2 Literature review

2.1 Global experience in achieving gender equality

Many studies on gender inequality affecting women often face limitations stemming from a lack of high-quality data. This deficiency complicates the accurate measurement and analysis of various aspects of inequality. In addition, many studies may overlook the intersectionality with other forms of discrimination, such as those based on economic status, race, or class, resulting in an incomplete understanding of the problem. Cultural and social biases can also influence the interpretation of results, thereby impeding the development of effective strategies to address gender inequality.

In recent years, the traditional patriarchal culture has been undergoing changes in Middle Eastern societies. However, women’s experiences of gender segregation, underrepresentation, and exclusion raise important questions regarding feminist gender equality policies (Aldossari and Calvard, 2022). Issues related to women’s rights remain among the most contentious topics in many Muslim societies. Male-dominated social structures have been entrenched for centuries and continue to make it difficult for Muslim women to secure the rights guaranteed to them in the Quran. Recent years have seen the implementation of legal reforms aimed at ensuring gender equality and protecting women from violence (Veresha, 2018; Veresha, 2017). Nevertheless, these changes are progressing relatively slowly and have not yet fully addressed the most entrenched problems of gender equality, such as comprehensive protection for women against violence (Tang and Lui, 2024). Domestic violence persists as the most severe and challenging issue across all Central Asian countries (Juraev, 2022).

In Southeast Asia, which is home to more than 240 million Muslims, women continue to experience gender-based discrimination. A recent study has analyzed political and legal reforms within the frameworks of legal systems and cultural practices in the region’s Islamic countries, such as Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia, Southern Thailand, and the Philippines. The results indicate that these reforms aim to address this issue. Despite significant achievements, including the expansion of women’s rights and state-led measures to ensure gender equality, the problem remains unresolved. Consequently, it necessitates continued efforts in legal reform and social change to achieve full gender equality in the region (Nehaluddin et al., 2024).

Gender inequality is linked to the fact that the Muslim legal tradition does not provide equal treatment for men and women. This tradition is largely founded on two core assumptions. The first is theological, maintaining that men hold authority over women. The second assumption is sociological, suggesting that men are stronger and act as protectors, while women are weak and submissive. These ideas are reflected in legal norms derived from sacred texts by classical Muslim jurists and continue to inform traditional interpretations of Sharia (Mir-Hosseini, 2019). The expansion of women’s economic rights and opportunities constitutes a critical determinant for achieving gender equality and inclusive economic growth. This process requires the removal of barriers to financial resources, equitable distribution of assets, increased participation of women in decision-making, and the creation of work ecosystems responsive to gender-specific needs. In the absence of these measures, gender discrimination in the labor market, wage gaps, and underrepresentation in corporate leadership persist (Beushe et al., 2024). However, in contexts where patriarchal norms remain entrenched, literacy levels are low, skills deficits are widespread, access to resources is limited, and social protection systems are weak—as is often the case in several Islamic societies—women continue to face a disproportionately high risk of poverty and restricted access to economic autonomy (Manhas, 2025).

Notable progress has been achieved in the area of women’s economic independence. Specifically, Islamic feminism embodies a process of ijtihad (independent juristic reasoning). Ijtihad informs the business ethics of Muslim women entrepreneurs in conflict zones, enabling them to navigate and resist traditional, patriarchal, colonial, and other cultural barriers that obscure the core principles of Islam. Research conducted among 16 Muslim women entrepreneurs in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Palestine demonstrates that Islamic religiosity plays a pivotal role. It shapes their entrepreneurial behavior and enhances their capacity to cope with the hardships of life in a conflict setting (Althalathini et al., 2022). Emerging feminist movements within Islam are creating opportunities for a dialogue between feminism and the Muslim legal tradition. A constructive discussion can help to overcome the perceived dichotomy between “Islam” and “feminism,” which is a characteristic feature of gender politics among Muslims in the modern world (Mir-Hosseini, 2019).

Following the repeal of the ban on wearing the hijab in 2013, Muslim women’s civil society organizations in Turkey entered a new phase of activism. This issue has long been a central focus for women activists who oppose the authoritarian gender policies in the country (Özgür Keysan and Özdemir, 2020). The implementation of gender policy is a key strategy for addressing gender issues and inequality in developing countries. However, there is concern regarding the response of religious youth organizations, as they can significantly influence societal change in the context of gender and religion (Husaeni et al., 2023). For instance, in Central Asia, one of the most acute gender-related problems is domestic violence, which is often concealed under the guise of religious traditions (Juraev, 2022).

2.2 Islam and the problem of gender equality in Central Asian countries

Due to the presence of both similarities and differences among them, the countries of Central Asia represent an interesting context for a comparative analysis of gender equality issues (Kuzhabekova et al., 2025). Soviet-era gender equality policies exerted a profound influence on women in Central Asia. However, the past few decades have witnessed a complex interplay of this Soviet legacy with forces of globalization, neoliberalism, and nationalist discourses, which continue to shape contemporary gender equality policies and identities (Durrani et al., 2025). For many years, gender inequality has remained a key socio-economic and transformational challenge for women in Central Asia. Such persistence is linked to an entrenched patriarchal culture, insufficient attention to the problem at the state level, and the limited participation of women in decision-making processes. In Kyrgyzstan, alarming reports frequently appear in the news about women falling victim to domestic and gender-based violence, as well as discrimination (Erisheva, 2023). Simultaneously, there are both parallels and divergences between individual countries. The similarities are largely driven by a historically and culturally conditioned patriarchal dominance in gender relations. In Kazakhstan, due to the intertwining of Asian and European cultures alongside a high level of urbanization, gender relations are more equitable compared to other nations in the region.

2.3 A new strategy for the development of Islamic feminism in the context of Central Asia

Central Asia, with its rich mosaic of cultures, histories, and traditions, serves as a valuable site for analyzing gender relations within a rapidly evolving socio-political landscape. The interaction of historical context, social structures, industrialization, globalization, and contemporary challenges forms a complex web of interconnections between tradition and modernization, which collectively shape the opportunities and constraints faced by women in the region. Examining state policies, educational initiatives, civic movements, and the still underexplored examples of new sustainability strategies provides a more nuanced understanding of women’s contributions to social transformation and the region’s future (Wason, 2025).

The engagement of women activists in Central Asia with social networks and the creation of intercultural alliances combine digital global and local support systems through online platforms, messengers, social media, and blogs. These activists disseminate educational content, document rights violations, and mobilize supporters while simultaneously building partnerships with women’s organizations, diasporic communities, and international NGOs to defend and legitimize their initiatives. This “new” strategy draws upon Soviet-era secular practices—emphasizing institutional organization, large-scale collective forms, and cooperation with state structures. Such alliances frequently emerge through personal networks and multichannel assistance rather than through public campaigns alone. Traditionally, feminist engagement in Central Asia has been rooted in the legacy of Soviet secularism, which fostered habits of mass, bureaucratically organized collective action and reliance on formal institutions.

In recent years, women activists have transferred these organizational competencies into decentralized digital networks, where formal structures coexist with informal support cells. At the same time, activists synthesize religious and cultural narratives—or strategically neutralize religious rhetoric—to reduce risks and enhance the social acceptability of their initiatives within patriarchal communities. As a result, a tactical synthesis of the “old” and the “new” emerges: Soviet-inspired organizational discipline and experience in navigating state institutions are repurposed to structure digital activism, while traditional family networks and religious institutions function as channels of legitimacy and protection. This creates an adaptive, multilayered hybrid model oriented primarily toward survival, scalability, and cultural acceptability rather than the public visibility and media prominence characteristic of many Western feminist movements.

These strategies are continuously adapted to the realities of the digital era and to local restrictions on civic engagement. Activists plan their actions and events with attention to both online and offline security, employ formats attuned to local cultures and languages, and alternate between public campaigns and targeted initiatives within closed communities. Consequently, they develop a multi-tiered tactical framework that combines public visibility and international advocacy for top-down pressure with local alliances and resource centers that sustain resilience, provide legal support, and facilitate skill transfer within communities.

2.4 Women’s socio-political activism

Contemporary analysis of the history, strategies, and discourses surrounding concepts such as “religion” and “gender equality” reveals that various religious, political, legal, and institutional forces interact within the Muslim world. Contemporary activists for gender equality conduct research to identify discriminatory elements within various aspects of Islamic practice (Fagundes-Ausani, 2024). Concurrently, young Muslim women actively participate in inclusive activism, drawing upon their religious affiliation to strengthen solidarity and engagement within political structures. At the same time, young men seek to establish new Muslim leadership to enhance their own solidarity and focus on defending their religious rights (Eseverri-Mayer and Khir-Allah, 2022).

Religious organizations often obstruct women’s activism by reinforcing traditional gender roles that restrict women’s opportunities in public life. They may leverage their influence to disseminate ideologies that condemn feminism and activism, portraying them as threats to family values. Furthermore, religious leaders can exert pressure on their followers to withhold support for initiatives aimed at gender equality. Finally, the funding and resources provided by religious organizations are frequently directed toward projects that do not promote, but rather suppress, women’s activism.

When examining the Central Asian region specifically, the issue of gender equality is being actively advanced by several organizations. These include the Central Asian Bureau for Analytical Reporting (CABAR.asia), the project against gender-based violence in Central Asia “Voices of the Brave,” the Central Asian Analytical Network, and CA Women Leaders—Dialogue of Women from Central Asian Countries. Other key organizations are the FemAgora Foundation, the foundations supporting victims of violence “NeMolchi.kz” and “Nemolchi.uz,” and the Central Asian Alliance to End Gender-Based Violence.

In the post-Soviet period, Islamic religious institutions in Central Asia have actively promoted the reinforcement of hierarchical gender roles as part of a broader process of traditionalization. This strategy has served to enhance their legitimacy, relying heavily on traditional cultural stereotypes (Beyer and Finke, 2019; Zhussipbek et al., 2020). Religious and gender-based social norms represent a primary barrier that reduces the effectiveness of policies and initiatives aimed at achieving gender equality in the region (Durrani et al., 2025).

A strong political presence of women activists within society mitigates gender stereotypes. Furthermore, Islam ceases to function merely as a religious paradigm and evolves into a more tolerant faith as religious awareness of the equal rights of women and men increases. Therefore, enhancing the political awareness of citizens can be an effective intervention for shifting public opinion towards supporting women’s empowerment (Dauletova et al., 2022). Gender equality issues are also promoted more actively when the political climate allows for these topics to be legislatively advanced in alignment with electoral and political interests (Tokareva et al., 2024; Shim, 2021). On the other hand, activists’ use of digital social media, particularly the Instagram platform, can be viewed not only as a means of self-expression but also as a space for the emergence of new forms of agency among Muslim women in post-Soviet Kazakhstan (Toktarbekova et al., 2025). The socio-political activism of women in Central Asia is chiefly concerned with challenges related to gender equality. Local activists seek to address these issues through the means available to them, including discourses on Islam, gender, and justice (Peshkova, 2020).

The study contributes to the field by proposing a theoretical framework for new hybrid strategies based on the synthesis of digital tactics, Soviet organizational practices, and local cultural adaptations. It also demonstrates how these strategies transform women’s economic behavior and political rights in Central Asia. Unlike previous studies that focused either on institutional reforms or on individual microcredit programs, this research integrates the micro-level of everyday practices with the macro-level of policy processes, revealing their mutual interdependence. The expected outcome includes empirically grounded recommendations for policymakers and practitioners, as well as theoretical refinements to the literature on gender inequality in post-Soviet and religiously conservative contexts.

2.5 Problem statement

In Central Asian countries, women activists and leaders of public organizations employ diversified strategies to promote gender equality, adapting them to diverse socio-political and religious-cultural contexts. They may involve varying combinations of secular and religious arguments. This approach encounters heterogeneous resistance from religious leaders, which ranges from open criticism to covert influence on public opinion and political processes.

The primary objective of the present research is to identify and analyze the novel approaches utilized by women activists within the gender equality movements across Central Asian countries. Achieving this objective requires the implementation of the following tasks:

• To compare global experiences in achieving gender equality and analyze worldwide statistical data on women’s participation in politics and economics;

• To identify existing approaches and strategies employed by gender equality activists in Central Asia, as well as new initiatives, including the use of social media;

• To examine the influence of religious organizations on shaping public opinion regarding gender equality;

• To analyze the socio-economic and political conditions that affect the selection of methods and strategies by women activists;

• To conduct a comparative analysis of approaches applied in different countries of the region and determine common trends and unique features;

• To assess the impact of new approaches on shifting public opinion and the political situation, as well as on improving the status of women in Central Asia.

The research hypothesis posits that women activists strategically prioritize the advancement of financial independence and economic leadership, perceiving this domain as subject to less religious and traditional resistance, thereby accelerating progress toward gender equality more effectively than through direct political representation.

3 Methods and materials

3.1 Methodological framework

The concept of political awareness requires careful examination by the research community, particularly within the context of gender equality. To realize the stated aim, it is necessary to gather more extensive data, preferably at the national level. It is also crucial to investigate predictors of political awareness, such as levels of religiosity and social media activity. These factors can influence the degree of women’s political engagement and their participation in public life, which is in turn linked to gender equality. Further studies of public political awareness and its impact on reducing gender bias in the political sphere could contribute to a more equitable representation of women and men in public and political life (Dauletova et al., 2022). The issue of gender inequality does not exist in isolation but consistently intersects with other dimensions related to race, class, and ethnicity (He, 2025). Consequently, this research employed interdisciplinary methodologies, incorporating a sociological survey, comparative cross-country analysis, social media content analysis, and statistical data analysis.

3.2 Research design

The study on the gender equality movement in Central Asian countries was conducted from August 1 2024 to 12, 2025. The methodology included online surveys, content analysis, and ANOVA. The ANOVA method was employed to examine whether statistically significant differences exist in the perception of gender inequality age groups (dependent variable) across various demographic categories (independent variables: gender inequality age groups, education levels, and urban/rural location). The age reflecting respondents’ opinions on gender equality is the dependent variable—a quantitative variable measured in years, representing the age of each respondent. Independent variables are categorical factors: education level (Education, three categories), perception of gender inequality (Gender Equality, four categories), and type of residence (Urban/Rural Location, two categories).

During the initial phase, the present research examined global experiences in achieving gender equality and analyzed worldwide statistical data on women’s participation in politics and economics. The analysis utilized the database of the World Bank’s World Development Indicators (World Bank Group, 2025c). The second phase focused primarily on investigating the influence of Islam on the issue of gender equality in Central Asian countries. The study utilized content analysis of social media platforms, such as X (Twitter) and Instagram. In the third phase, content analysis of publications on Instagram was conducted to examine women’s socio-political activism. The primary emphasis was on examining the novel approaches employed by women activists. This phase also analyzed the socio-economic and political factors that hinder the development of the feminist movement. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan were selected as case studies, as they represent the largest secularized countries with a high proportion of Muslim population in the Central Asian region.

3.3 Sampling

An anonymous online survey was conducted from August 1 to 12, 2025, among respondents from Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. The research process began with the development and approval of a questionnaire. Subsequently, a link to an online survey created using Google Forms was disseminated through social media platforms targeting women activists. The link was posted on web pages of the social media platforms X and Instagram using national hashtags: #Kazakhstan and #Uzbekistan. The questionnaire comprised 22 questions addressing issues of gender equality. The survey was administered in the three spoken languages in these countries: Russian, Kazakh, and Uzbek, used by the target group of women activists, who may have a high level of Russian proficiency due to their Soviet heritage (Appendix 1A; English translation in Appendix 1B). A total of 500 responses were received. Among these, 112 respondents indicated Kazakhstan as their country of residence, while 102 specified Uzbekistan. The selection process was based on an analysis of the questionnaires to include only those respondents who had answered at least half of the questions. Following this filtering, 214 questionnaires remained for examination (Table 1).

Table 1
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Table 1. Survey sample characteristics.

3.4 Data analysis

Data collection and preliminary analysis were conducted using Microsoft Excel. Respondent selection adhered to the standard practice of including individuals within the age range of 18 to 80 years. The analysis of international statistical data employed a comparative approach: countries were grouped based on regional and religious criteria for comparison.

3.5 Statistical data processing

The R software package (version 4.5.1) was used to process responses from the online survey and to perform a content analysis of discussions on social media platforms. The analysis focused specifically on gender equality discourse on X.

3.6 Methodological limitations

The study was conducted against a backdrop of challenges concerning access to primary data and the objectivity of respondent answers. Women activists in countries with significant influence from Islamic religious organizations may be at risk of societal condemnation, which complicates the gathering of information on their activities and strategies. Furthermore, cultural and religious contexts influence the perception of gender equality. This influence necessitates a cautious approach to data interpretation and may limit the generalizability of the findings to other regions. The use of qualitative methods, such as interviews and focus groups, may have introduced subjectivity into data interpretation. Accordingly, the potential for bias must be considered when formulating conclusions about the new approaches employed by women activists. It is also important to consider the limitations of the survey data.

3.7 Ethical considerations

The right to use the data was explicitly stated in the questionnaire from the outset. The research protocol ensured the obtainment of voluntary consent for data processing from all participants. It also guaranteed the anonymity of all respondents. Consent for the use of any identifiable data in the analysis of social media content and publications was not required, given the publicly accessible nature of this information and the explicitly declared public activism of women’s gender equality advocates referenced in this study.

4 Results

A comparative analysis of global experiences in achieving gender equality, alongside worldwide statistical data on women’s participation in politics and economics, was conducted using the Gender Inequality Index (GII) (Human Development Report, 2025). The analysis revealed that in 2023, the average GII value for Arab states was 0.539. The corresponding figures were 0.315 for East Asia and the Pacific, 0.226 for Europe and Central Asia, 0.384 for Latin America and the Caribbean, 0.458 for South Asia, and 0.558 for Sub-Saharan Africa. Lower GII values signify a more favorable level of gender equality.

Data from an analysis of gender equality in the Muslim world indicate certain trends regarding shifting attitudes towards upholding women’s rights and increasing women’s representation in public and political life. An analysis of the proportion of women in national parliaments across the Arab world showed that this figure rose from 3.8 to 18.2% between 2000 and 2024 (Table 2), which represents a 14.4% increase. For context, the global average increase was 13.1%, while the increase for the Europe & Central Asia region was 14.9%.

Table 2
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Table 2. Proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments (%).

The analysis of existing approaches and strategies employed by gender equality activists in Central Asia has identified new initiatives and trends. Examining these trends specifically within Central Asian countries reveals distinct national trajectories. In Uzbekistan, the proportion of women in the local parliament reached 30.8%. The corresponding figures are 18.8% in Kyrgyzstan, 12% in Tajikistan, and 9% in Kazakhstan. Conversely, this indicator has remained almost unchanged in Turkmenistan. As of 2024, it stands at 25.6%, which is 0.4% lower than the figure recorded in 2000.

An examination and comparison of women’s participation in the economy and politics across these countries reveals specific trends and disparities. In particular, an analysis of the proportion of women in senior managerial positions in the economy across different countries and world regions demonstrates that it does not always align with their proportional representation in local politics. For instance, the highest share of women occupying top managerial positions in business is found in Kazakhstan, at 31.1%, and in Kyrgyzstan, at 21.7%. These indicators contrast with the regional average for Europe & Central Asia of 17.3% and the average for OECD member countries, which is 18.6% (Figure 1).

Figure 1
Pie chart displaying survey results: 51% agree (yellow), 23% completely disagree (blue), 21% neutral (gray), and 5% disagree (orange).

Figure 1. Comparative analysis of women in senior managerial positions in the economy across different countries and world regions. Source: Developed by the authors based on World Bank Group (2025a). *Data for Kyrgyzstan are available for 2023.

In the Arab world, this indicator was significantly lower, at 4.8%, compared to a global average of 19%. A high level of women’s participation in firm management within the economy is a stronger indicator of substantive gender equality and financial independence compared to the share of seats held by women in national parliaments. The observed discrepancy may be attributed to the fact that the representation of women in the national parliaments of some Muslim countries can be largely symbolic. It is often constrained by institutional factors and specific legal norms. Furthermore, a comparison of the data in Table 1 and Figure 1 supports the hypothesis that economic power is less susceptible to the influence of Muslim law and allows women in these countries to attain more equitable gender rights.

Among the novel approaches and strategies employed by gender equality activists, the use of social media holds a particularly significant place. To understand contemporary gender issues in Central Asia, an anonymous online survey was conducted among respondents from the two largest countries in the region: Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. The majority of survey participants from Kazakhstan fell within the 20–40 age group (Figure 2). The same age cohort was predominant among respondents from Uzbekistan (Figure 3). The emphasis on this demographic is attributable to the fact that individuals within it constitute the most active users of the internet and social media platforms.

Figure 2
Two histograms compare age distributions in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Both graphs show age on the x-axis and frequency on the y-axis. In Kazakhstan, ages thirty to forty dominate, while in Uzbekistan, ages thirty to thirty-five are most frequent.

Figure 2. Analysis of respondent distribution in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan based on answers regarding the presence of gender inequality (by age). Source: Compiled by the authors.

Figure 3
Pie chart illustrating opinions on gender equality issues in the country. Forty-four percent strongly agree, forty-three percent agree, and thirteen percent are neutral. The chart uses blue, orange, and gray to represent each category, respectively.

Figure 3. Analysis of age distribution among respondents in Kazakhstan (N = 112) and Uzbekistan (N = 102). Source: Compiled by the authors.

Furthermore, within this age group, the majority of respondents acknowledged the existence of gender equality problems. An analysis of the age distribution of respondents in each surveyed country is provided in Figure 3.

For respondents from Uzbekistan, the ANOVA results, presented in Appendix 2, indicate that respondent age (Age) is associated with answers concerning gender equality issues. Differences in the perception of gender equality issues across various age groups are statistically significant for the factor of education level. Consequently, it can be inferred that responses vary depending on both age and educational attainment, reflecting differences in life experience and professional opportunities. These findings highlight the importance of accounting for education when investigating gender equality. Similarly, age influences how individuals encounter and interpret gender equality challenges, underscoring the need to consider this factor in the analysis. The same tendency is also evident among respondents from Kazakhstan. The majority of respondents reported encountering the problem of gender inequality (Figure 4). Nearly 44% of the surveyed women agreed that gender equality exists in their country, while 43% strongly agreed with this statement.

Figure 4
Bar chart showing percentages of firms with female top managers in 2024 across various regions. Kazakhstan leads at 31.1 percent, followed by Kyrgyzstan at 21.7 percent. The Arab World is lowest at 4.8 percent. Global average is 19 percent.

Figure 4. Responses to the questionnaire item: “The problem of gender equality exists in our country.” (N = 214). Source: Compiled by the authors.

Further evidence for the existence of gender-related problems is provided by the analysis of responses presented in Figure 5. The chart illustrates that the majority of women encounter gender inequality in education or employment to some degree. When asked whether women have equal rights with men in the sphere of education, a majority (51%) responded negatively. An additional 23% provided strong support for this opinion.

Figure 5
Three bar charts show the distribution of responses to a statement about gender equality in a country, categorized by age. The first chart titled

Figure 5. Responses to the questionnaire item: “Women have equal rights with men in education and employment.” (N = 214). Source: Compiled by the authors.

Within society, the problem under consideration is often linked to the influence of religious factors. Regarding the specific mechanisms of religious influence on shaping public opinion about gender equality, the following responses were obtained; the English translation is provided in Table 3.

Table 3
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Table 3. Analysis of responses to questionnaire item: “How religion influences the formation of public opinion regarding gender equality.”

Religion shapes the formation of public opinion regarding gender equality through various channels. These include mass media and cultural norms, as confirmed by responses from respondents aged 24 to 57. Responses emphasizing religious sermons and public speeches suggest they exert the most significant influence, reinforcing traditional gender roles. A participant aged 52 noted that religious norms contribute to the preservation of the gender gap in rights. Conversely, the influence of religion on gender issues varies by region. More conservative attitudes are prevalent in rural localities. A respondent aged 31 emphasized that a secular approach to development is prevalent in the country, which reduces religious influence on women’s rights.

Responses differed substantially depending on the age of the respondents. Older generations of women associate religious influence primarily with the family. In contrast, younger and middle-aged generations point to the prevalence of stereotypes and a specific patriarchal culture among men due to the impact of religious norms. The relationship between respondent age and answer selection in the survey was analyzed using multivariate analysis of variance (ANOVA). The ANOVA results, presented in Table 4, demonstrate that education exerts the most significant influence on responses related to gender equality issues across respondents of different age groups (Age).

Table 4
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Table 4. Key ANOVA results.

4.1 Education

The p-value is 0.006754, which is below the 0.01 threshold, indicating that the level of education exerts a statistically significant influence on responses across age groups. Accordingly, the null hypothesis, which posits no effect, must be rejected.

4.2 Gender equality

The p-value of 0.835722, which is substantially above 0.05, shows no significant association between age and perceptions of gender equality among respondents.

4.3 Urban/rural location

The p-value is 0.207274, which is also greater than 0.05. The value indicates the absence of a statistically significant influence from the respondent’s location on the responses when considered alongside age.

Interactions between factors (e.g., Education and Gender Equality) yielded p-values that did not indicate statistical significance. The only exception is the interaction between Education and Urban/Rural Location, which has a p-value of 0.068185. The obtained value approaches, but does not meet, the 0.05 significance threshold. Therefore, it can be concluded that among the surveyed respondents, age and education level are more strongly associated with their understanding of gender equality issues. In contrast, other factors, specifically place of residence, minimally affected the responses across different age groups.

Analysis of Table 3 confirms that only the main effect of Education is significant, with F (2, 192) = 5.13, p = 0.00675. Mean age also differs significantly across education levels when accounting for other factors. A weak interaction between Education and Urban/Rural location (p ≈ 0.068) is observed, though it does not meet the conventional significance threshold of 0.05. All other main effects and interactions are non-significant (p > 0.05). The results indicate that differences in responses across age groups are primarily explained by education level rather than by perceptions of gender equality or type of residence. The marginal interaction between Education and Urban/Rural location suggests that the effect of education on responses may vary slightly between urban and rural settings. However, insufficient evidence exists to assert this relationship with confidence.

In recent years, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have witnessed a growing activism within the Gender Equality Movement. This surge is linked to novel approaches adopted by women activists and concurrent shifts in government policy. In September 2019, the Alliance of Female Power of Kazakhstan officially commenced its activities. The Alliance comprises 20 NGOs and organizations dedicated to addressing issues related to violations of women’s and children’s rights, gender inequality, and a lack of opportunities for women’s participation in politics, economics, and public life.

A content analysis of posts on Instagram identified novel approaches employed by women activists in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan to promote gender equality. These strategies include educational programs, the creation of social media support groups, and the use of specialized digital platforms for producing thematic videos. Additional approaches involve lobbying for legislative changes, fostering cross-cultural dialogue, and initiating open cultural initiatives. A prominent tactic is the production of thematic videos on social media that discuss gender equality issues. For instance, Irina Matvienko, an activist and founder of NeMolchi Uzbekistan (@nemolchi.uz), uses a community page on Instagram (@centralasianalliancetoendgbv) to raise awareness. She explains the dangers of economic violence and the rising rate of femicide in the country.1 Many women experience economic violence, which often goes unrecognized. This form of abuse involves denying access to financial resources as a means of control and coercion. It can also be perpetrated or legitimized by the state through discriminatory legal frameworks. Such frameworks restrict women’s access to credit, employment, social protection, and property and land rights. In Kazakhstan, the Instagram page @feminismkz also publishes a wide range of content focused on gender equality. A notable example is the post titled “The Difficulties of Women in Kazakhstan”,2 which received 1,845 positive reactions. The core argument of the post is that most married couples in Kazakhstan continue to practice a patriarchal model of family structure, placing women in a subordinate position. Furthermore, some participants in the discussion argue that a so-called neo-patriarchy has been gaining ground in the country. Within neo-patriarchy, pressing issues are frequently downplayed by claims that women already enjoy full rights, such as access to education, voting, and employment. However, the reality is far less ideal, as inequality, the gender pay gap, and a range of other contentious issues continue to persist. Women face these challenges on a daily basis.

Educational programs involve conducting seminars and training sessions for women to enhance their legal literacy, financial independence, and entrepreneurial skills. Support pages created for gender activists on X/Twitter and Instagram serve to foster communities and networks. These networks unite women to share experiences, resources, and support for their initiatives. Women activists use digital platforms and social media to disseminate information about women’s rights, organize campaigns, and draw attention to issues of gender inequality.

Lobbying for legislative changes entails targeted engagement with government bodies to develop and implement laws that protect women’s rights and ensure gender equality. Cross-cultural dialogue is of paramount importance. It facilitates constructive cooperation between different cultures and religious groups to find compromises and lead to a better mutual understanding in the context of gender equality issues. Concurrently, cultural initiatives employ art, theater, and other cultural forms to shift public opinion and raise awareness about gender inequality. These combined approaches enable women activists to effectively promote their ideas and achieve societal change, notwithstanding the existing challenges.

At the same time, significant resistance persists from religious leaders and traditional social structures. New practices and approaches often provoke rejection and critical reactions from the conservative segments of society. To overcome resistance, activists participate in the development of initiative programs and strategies. A pertinent example is Uzbekistan’s Gender Strategy, officially titled “Strategy for achieving gender equality in Uzbekistan until 2030.” This strategy encompasses laws guaranteeing equal rights and opportunities for women and men, alongside protections against violence. Its adoption was facilitated by the political will of the country’s president. Within the framework of the strategy, measures are being implemented to enhance the political, economic, and social activity of women. These measures include the creation of “Women’s Notebook” to support female entrepreneurship.

Initiatives in Kazakhstan are focused on establishing a legal framework to support gender equality in society. In 2025, Central Asian countries, including Kazakhstan, signed a joint statement affirming their commitment to gender equality. A crucial aspect of these efforts involves increasing women’s participation in political life and decision-making processes. This engagement is instrumental in improving their status within society and transforming dominant gender practices.

Despite positive developments, women activists continue to face resistance from religious leaders who tend to oppose gender equality by invoking traditional and cultural norms. Opposition manifests itself in several forms. Religious leaders frequently criticize laws and initiatives designed to protect women’s rights, arguing that they contradict Islamic values. The resulting tension between progressive movements and traditional perspectives hinders the possibility of reaching compromise.

In societies where traditional gender roles are deeply entrenched, activists often encounter social pressure and condemnation for their advocacy, including even verbal and physical violence. Women activists persistently confront challenges stemming from resistance by religious and traditional structures. Nevertheless, the gender equality movement in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan demonstrates considerable progress. Sustainable change can only be attained through ongoing dialogue that acknowledges women’s rights while taking into account the cultural specificities of the region.

5 Discussion

In comparison with previous studies conducted in other global regions (Mlambo and Kapingura, 2019), our findings indicate that gender equality issues in the Muslim world are undergoing a transformation regarding attitudes toward women’s rights and their participation in public life. Between 2000 and 2024, the proportion of women in national parliaments across Arab countries increased from 3.8 to 18.2%, exceeding both the global average and the average for Europe and Central Asia. Within Central Asia, divergent trends are observable. In Uzbekistan, the share of women in local parliaments rose by 30.8%. The corresponding increases were 18.8% in Kyrgyzstan, 12% in Tajikistan, and 9% in Kazakhstan. In contrast, the indicator remained almost unchanged in Turkmenistan, standing at 25.6% in 2024, which is 0.4% lower than in 2000. An analysis of women’s participation in the economy revealed that the highest representation in senior managerial positions is found in Kazakhstan (31.1%) and Kyrgyzstan (21.7%). However, the economic representation of women does not always correspond to their proportional representation in the political sphere.

Despite these positive trends in the improvement of gender rights, gender-based discrimination remains a serious global problem even though gender equality is recognized as a fundamental human right. Central Asia represents a crucial region for studying the interconnections between Islam, patriarchy, and women’s well-being. In recent decades, the transition to a market economy has intensified gender imbalances in labor markets, with women’s high levels of education and considerable economic contributions proving insufficient to offset the disparities. Research based on probabilistic survey data (N = 3,405) from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan confirms the influence of religious identity, education, opportunity structures, and social mobility on women’s perceptions of gender roles (Urbaeva, 2019). In contrast to that broader study, the present investigation has focused specifically on examining women’s activism within Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan.

An examination of the online activity of Kazakh women on Instagram revealed that their self-presentation is multifaceted. It combines various discourses, including Islamic faith, traditional culture, and social activism. The unique context for self-expression, shaped by the specific nature of Kazakh Islam, differs from that of other Muslim countries, allowing women to harmoniously integrate religiosity with modern aspects of life. The analyzed accounts demonstrate how these women, while preserving their identity, actively explore new life models. They offer their followers a vision of a holistic lifestyle. Instagram serves as a platform for expressing and disseminating their religious and gender subjectivity. Consequently, it fosters the development of Islamic feminism and contributes to the evolution of gender roles within Kazakh society (Toktarbekova et al., 2025).

Gender inequality is a more pronounced phenomenon in developing countries, which can be attributed to ineffective governance and inadequate social and religious institutions (Iqbal et al., 2022). The results of the present study largely support this assertion. According to the conducted cross-country analysis, divergent trends are observed across Central Asia. In Uzbekistan, the share of women in local parliaments increased by 30.8%. The corresponding increases were 18.8% in Kyrgyzstan, 12% in Tajikistan, and 9% in Kazakhstan. Conversely, the indicator remained virtually unchanged in Turkmenistan, standing at 25.6% in 2024 (0.4% lower than it was in 2000). An analysis of women’s participation in the economy showed that the highest representation in senior leadership positions is found in Kazakhstan (31.1%) and Kyrgyzstan (21.7%). On the other hand, women’s economic representation does not always correspond to their level of representation in the political sphere.

An analysis of ethnographic data and life stories of young women of Moroccan origin in Catalonia, Spain, demonstrated that obtaining a higher education facilitated a feminist reinterpretation of the Quran. Their novel interpretation of Islam, combined with successful academic careers, helped them gain authority and recognition within their families, thereby leading to tangible changes in their familial roles and relationships (Mendoza et al., 2021). Another example is associated with the activism of Muslim women in Germany. Building trust and establishing connections, activating existing contacts and networks, and demonstrating one’s gender position play a crucial role in overcoming gender inequality. In response to criticism from Islamic figures, the most common strategies include ignoring the comments or deleting negative messages on social media, alongside raising awareness within the relevant social environment. These measures are aimed at combating stereotypes and creating a more positive image of Muslim women (El Sayed, 2023). A further example from India illustrates that the discussed movement of Muslim feminism represents an expression of both Islamic modernist thought and human rights-based Muslim activism. By grounding their rights-based discourse in Islamic and constitutional values, Muslim feminist organizations in India have laid the groundwork for the current trajectories of Muslim civil society activism (Jones, 2024).

6 Conclusion

The Muslim world demonstrates evolving attitudes toward gender equality issues, women’s rights, and their participation in public life. Between 2000 and 2024, the proportion of women in national parliaments across Arab countries increased from 3.8 to 18.2%. The observed growth rate exceeds both the global average and the average for Europe and Central Asia.

The results of the present study indicate that gender equality persists as one of the most complex challenges in Central Asian countries. When asked about the equality of rights between women and men in the sphere of education, 51% of respondents from Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan responded negatively, citing a lack of equal opportunities. Additionally, 23% of survey participants expressed the same view, emphasizing ongoing barriers to women’s educational opportunities. Consequently, over 74% of those surveyed believe that women do not possess equal rights with men in this domain. The findings point to significant barriers faced by women in obtaining an education. The problem of equality in education remains highly relevant and demands attention from both society and governing authorities.

Public opinion on gender equality is shaped by religious influence transmitted through multiple channels, including mass media and cultural norms, as reflected across diverse age groups. Respondents ranging from 24 to 57 years of age emphasized the critical role of religious sermons and public speeches in sustaining traditional patterns of gender relations. More than half of the survey participants indicated that religious norms contribute to preserving the gender gap in rights, highlighting persistent barriers for women. The influence of religion on gender issues varies by region, with more conservative attitudes observed in rural localities. Some respondents noted that a secular approach to development is prevalent in their country, which reduces religious influence on women’s rights.

Gender equality movements in Muslim countries face unique challenges, including resistance from religious leaders, who often interpret traditional texts within the context of patriarchal norms. In response, women activists employ novel strategies, such as the use of social media and the creation of cross-cultural alliances to promote their ideas and draw attention to inequality. These efforts contribute to the formation of a more inclusive public discourse, shifting the perceptions of gender norms within society.

An ANOVA analysis of the survey data indicates that education is of paramount importance in understanding the core issues of gender equality. The finding is statistically confirmed by a p-value of 0.006754, which is less than the 0.01 significance level. The results also suggest that an individual’s level of education exerted a profound influence on their responses—a relationship that holds across different age groups. Conversely, the perception of the gender equality problem itself yielded a p-value of 0.835722. The obtained value is substantially greater than 0.05, indicating that concern for gender equality showed no strong correlation with age differences among respondents.

Furthermore, the influence of the urban/rural location factor must be rejected, given the p-value of 0.207274, which exceeds the critical confidence level of 0.05. Accordingly, a respondent’s location did not have a statistically significant effect on their responses when considered alongside age. Therefore, the present research confirms that gender equality movements in many countries confront a complex of religious, social, and economic problems. In response to these multifaceted challenges, contemporary women activists have adopted innovative approaches. These include leveraging social media and building cross-cultural alliances to advance their ideas and highlight inequalities. Such initiatives foster a more inclusive public discourse and facilitate a transformation in how gender roles are perceived in society. A key aspect of combating gender inequality is providing women with broader opportunities to access education. Improving educational access for women is fundamental to achieving their equality in society and enhancing their economic independence.

6.1 Practical implications and further research

The implementation of the discussed approaches involves organizing educational programs for both women and men to raise awareness about gender rights. Additionally, creating platforms for dialogue between diverse communities and religious leaders is essential. These initiatives can lead to more constructive engagement and a reduction in conflict between traditional values and modern demands for equality. The new strategies of women activists in Central Asia represent a hybrid of digital tactics and localized organizational practices that combine online mobilization, protection through international networks, and contextually adapted offline forms of mutual support, while accounting for security concerns, linguistic diversity, and cultural localization. The practical value of research on gender equality movements in Muslim countries lies in its capacity to identify effective strategies and approaches. Women activists can utilize the results reported here to advance women’s rights and shift public opinion. The study can also serve as a foundation for developing educational programs and policies designed to improve the status of women within Muslim societies. The scientific value of the present investigation is found in its contribution to understanding the interplay between cultural, religious, and social factors that influence gender equality. The paper can enrich the existing literature by providing new data and analyses. These contributions may help researchers and practitioners better comprehend the dynamics of gender movements within the context of Muslim countries.

Future research prospects in the field of gender equality in Muslim countries could include an in-depth examination of social media’s influence on female activism and mobilization. Analyzing successful examples of cooperation between different cultural and religious groups is another promising avenue. It is also important to investigate how changes in legislation and policy affect the actual living conditions of women and their participation in public life. Additionally, investigating men’s involvement in gender equality movements offers a valuable avenue for research and could inform the design of more inclusive approaches to combating inequality. Future research should also focus on a comparative analysis of various Muslim countries to identify unique contexts and strategies that could be adapted and applied in other regions.

Data availability statement

The datasets presented in this study can be found in online repositories. The names of the repository/repositories and accession number(s) can be found in the article/supplementary material.

Ethics statement

The studies involving humans were approved by the Local Ethics Committee of Institute of Philosophy, Political Science and Religious Studies CS MSHE RK (protocol No. 9085 of 11 May 2025). The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. Written informed consent for participation was not required from the participants or the participants’ legal guardians/next of kin in accordance with the national legislation and institutional requirements. Written informed consent was obtained from the individual(s) for the publication of any potentially identifiable images or data included in this article.

Author contributions

LT: Conceptualization, Formal analysis, Investigation, Visualization, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. NS: Data curation, Methodology, Project administration, Resources, Supervision, Validation, Writing – review & editing. AS: Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Resources, Supervision, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. IP: Formal analysis, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Visualization, Writing – review & editing.

Funding

The author(s) declare that financial support was received for the research and/or publication of this article. This research was funded by the Committee of Science of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Republic of Kazakhstan (Grant no. AP19676979 «Gender Equality in Islam: Islamic Feminism and Traditionalism»).

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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Supplementary material

The Supplementary material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpos.2025.1694298/full#supplementary-material

Footnotes

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Keywords: Central Asia, femicide, Islamic feminism, transformation of gender practices, women’s activism

Citation: Toktarbekova L, Seitakhmetova N, Shagyrbay A and Parkhatzhan I (2025) Contemporary strategies of women activists in the gender equality movement in Central Asia. Front. Polit. Sci. 7:1694298. doi: 10.3389/fpos.2025.1694298

Received: 28 August 2025; Revised: 28 October 2025; Accepted: 04 November 2025;
Published: 24 November 2025.

Edited by:

Sílvia Roque, University of Evora, Portugal

Reviewed by:

Gökmen Kantar, Namik Kemal University, Türkiye
Azeem Gul, National University of Modern Languages, Pakistan

Copyright © 2025 Toktarbekova, Seitakhmetova, Shagyrbay and Parkhatzhan. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Almasbek Shagyrbay, YWxtYXNiZWs4NUBnbWFpbC5jb20=

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