Exploring intergenerational knowledge transfer within Inuvialuit families: connecting wellbeing, food security, and climate resiliency

Ramirez Prieto, Maria; Ostertag, Sonja; Donnelly, Tamara; Wolki-Ruben, Celina; Arey, Shayla; Memogana, Susie; Slack, Camille; Skinner, Kelly

doi:10.3389/fclim.2025.1694926

ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

Front. Clim., 07 January 2026

Sec. Climate, Ecology and People

Volume 7 - 2025 | https://doi.org/10.3389/fclim.2025.1694926

This article is part of the Research TopicIntersections of Climate Change and Indigenous Peoples’ Health and WellbeingView all 5 articles

Exploring intergenerational knowledge transfer within Inuvialuit families: connecting wellbeing, food security, and climate resiliency

Maria Ramirez Prieto¹

Sonja Ostertag¹

Tamara Donnelly¹

Celina Wolki-Ruben²

Shayla Arey²

Susie Memogana²

Camille Slack³

Kelly Skinner¹^*

¹School of Public Health Sciences, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, ON, Canada
²Country Foods for Good Health Project, Inuvialuit Settlement Region, NT, Canada
³Department of Geography, Environment and Geomatics, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada

Introduction: Today in the Inuvialuit Settlement Region, Canada, many community members are closely connected to and dependent on the land, with 68.9% of Indigenous people in the ISR indicating that they fished and harvested in 2023. Access to cultural practices and activities with family and on-the-land has been identified as vital to food sovereignty, food security, and wellbeing.

Methods: This study, using a foodways transmission lens, documents Inuvialuit families’ experiences with CF and subsistence harvesting, including the intergenerational transmission of Inuvialuit Knowledge, which support food sovereignty and wellbeing. Using a community-based action research approach, we partnered with community organizations and community researchers to conduct nine family-group interviews with participants (n = 28) across Aklavik, Tuktoyaktuk, and Ulukhaktok, representing two to three generations (youth, middle-aged adults and Elder).

Results: Reflexive thematic analysis identified four themes: (1) Learning on the land through experiences; (2) Nourished by the land; (3) Navigating barriers; and (4) Inuit guiding principles for present and future generations’ wellbeing. Findings highlight that extended time on the land as a family fosters holistic nourishment, harvesting and survival skills, and skills for “living a good life,” while systemic and climatic changes constrain these opportunities for families. Families emphasized guiding principles such as sharing, environmental stewardship, and adaptability as key for keeping present and future generations healthy.

Discussion: The information provided in this paper is not new to Inuvialuit. It is provided for the benefit of evidence for programs, policies, and services, as well as for non-Inuvialuit audiences to better understand the importance of family, subsistence harvesting, the transmission of Inuvialuit Knowledge, and culture to food security and wellbeing.

1 Introduction

The Inuvialuit Settlement Region (ISR) is in the northwestern Arctic of Inuit Nunangat, the homeland encompassing the land, water, and ice of Inuit in present-day Canada (ITK, 2021). The ISR is one of four Inuit regions in Inuit Nunangat, alongside Nunavut, Nunavik, and Nunatsiavut.

Across Inuit Nunangat including the ISR, many community members are closely connected to and dependent on the land with 68.9% of Indigenous people in the ISR indicating that they fished and harvested in 2023 (NWT Bureau of Statistics, 2023). Inuvialuit’s relationship to the land and access to country food (CF) – food harvested, fished, and trapped from the land, air and sea – is vital for food sovereignty, food security, and wellbeing. Importantly, the Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami (ITK) – the national representing voice of Inuit in Canada – food security strategy and other Inuit strategies and proposals have emphasized that subsistence harvesting is fundamental to Inuit food security and food sovereignty (ITK, 2017, 2021; Fillion et al., 2014; Inuit Circumpolar Council-Alaska, 2015). Indigenous food sovereignty is the right to maintain and develop capacity to access healthy, culturally appropriate foods, rooted in the understanding that humans, the environment, and animals are bound in a relational web of respect and reciprocity (Coté, 2016; Morrison, 2011). Achieving food sovereignty is a precursor to achieving food security– the access to physically, economically, safe, nutritious, sufficient, and culturally appropriate foods, for all people at all times (FAO, 2008).

Inuit food sovereignty and CF reflect intergenerational relationships and the transfer of Inuit Knowledge. Inuit Knowledge is referred to as Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit (IQ) in Nunavut and Nunavik, while it is referred to as IK, Traditional Knowledge (TK), Inuvialuit Cultural Knowledge and Traditional and Local Knowledge (TLK) in the ISR (Joint Secretariat, 2025; Sudlovenick et al., 2024). IQ refers to a complete body of knowledge, experiences, culture that have been passed down through everyday life (Karetak et al., 2017; Nunavut Impact Review Board, 2025; Healy and Tagak, 2014). In the ISR, “Inuvialuit culture, language and subsistence practices are derived from intimate knowledge of the land and its rootedness in a close physical and spiritual relationship with the land. This cultural knowledge and way of life is often referred to as Traditional Knowledge. It is the foundation of the culture and identity of Inuvialuit. Because this knowledge is rooted in a way of life, the term “traditional” refers to its continuity with the past; however, it is knowledge that is constantly used, updated, revised and accommodated to changing situations and circumstances” (Inuvialuit Regional Corporation, n.d., 3). In this paper, IK refers to Inuit Knowledge held by Inuvialuit knowledge-holders in the ISR, IQ refers to Inuit Knowledge held by Inuit in Nunavut and Nunavik, and Inuit Knowledge refers to the knowledge held by Inuit in Inuit Nunangat.

Given the importance of Inuit Knowledge through CF and subsistence harvesting coupled with high rates of food insecurity among Inuit [69% of Inuvialuit aged 15 or over live in food insecure households (ITK, 2021)], research and initiatives on food sovereignty and wellbeing in Inuit Nunangat must be Inuit-led and grounded in Inuit Knowledge. Country foods are critical to IK transmission because they relate to many of the aspects of IK including culture and identity as stated above. Inuit speak of healing and sense of nourishment of the body, mind, and spirit when on the land with family and immersed in culture, memories, and beauty (Caughey et al., 2024; Willox et al., 2012; Pawlowski et al., 2022; Gabel et al., 2016; Ramirez Ramirez Prieto et al., 2025; Ward et al., 2021; Robertson and Ljubicic, 2019). For Inuit, being with family is key to cultural connection, facilitating intergenerational learning and wellbeing; Inuit families hold and share rich knowledge and skills related to the environment, wellbeing, and Inuit ways of life (Karetak et al., 2017; Ramirez Prieto et al., 2025; Sallans, 2024). Studies in the ISR have highlighted the importance of family for youth food security and wellbeing (Ramirez Prieto et al., 2025; Sallans, 2024). In a related study, youth indicated that they want to learn from family, as family is central to spending time on the land, accessing CF, enjoyment, knowledge and learning vital skills (Ramirez Prieto et al., 2025; Sallans, 2024). Notably, Inuvialuit youth expressed that they enjoy learning and want to continue passing down IK to future generations.

Thus, this study looks at the role of food and family to IK transmission in the ISR to support food sovereignty, food security and wellbeing, in line with the reference guide developed for traditional knowledge research in the ISR (Armitage and Kilburn, 2015). Foodways transmission are the beliefs and behaviors associated with the production, distribution and consumption of foods (Ruelle and Kassam, 2013). Through a foodways transmission lens, we define a clear knowledge domain with IK in this study.

ITK’s Food Security Strategy, calls for Inuit self-determination in food systems through Inuit-defined, evidence-based policies that address poverty reduction, climate and environmental justice, and the incorporation of Inuit Knowledge to achieve Inuit food security (ITK, 2021). On the global stage, the Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC) represents Inuit from Canada, the United States of America (USA), and Greenland. The ICC represents Inuit at the United Nations Forum on Indigenous Issues, calling for Inuit Knowledge to be integrated into the forum, and holding the USA and Canada accountable to their international commitments, especially concerning climate change and food security (Inuit Circumpolar Council-Alaska, 2015). Climate change is disproportionally impacting Inuit Nunangat by changing local landscapes, animal migration, and animal health (Ford and Pearce, 2010; Ford, 2012, 2009b; Andrachuk and Pearce, 2010). This in turn negatively impacts the human-animal-environment relationships that support wellbeing and food security (Cunsolo et al., 2020; Willox et al., 2012; Harper et al., 2020; Parlee and Furgal, 2012).

In the ISR, community members and organizations have advised our research team that supporting youth connections to CF and subsistence harvesting is a top priority. Elders further advised that to understand the interconnected and generational relationships that support youth, interviews of all generations and family members are necessary. The present study also fills critical knowledge gaps within academic literature, as there limited academic research on IK transmission (Pearce et al., 2011), and IK transmission has been more thoroughly documented in the eastern Inuit region of Nunavut (Bonny, 2008; Karetak et al., 2017; Klady, 2020; Oosten and Miller, 2018). Inuvialuit experiences, stories, and voices are essential to advancing understandings of food sovereignty and wellbeing in ways that reflect local priorities and lived realities. Food sovereignty is not merely an academic concept but a cornerstone of Inuvialuit culture, identity, and community values (Inuit Circumpolar Council-Alaska, 2015). As such, this study builds on community-identified priorities of Inuvialuit and Inuit governance bodies’, to fill critical research gaps that can support policy and decision-making that centre Inuvialuit perspectives and promotes approaches that are collaborative, culturally grounded, and beneficial to the community (Inuit Circumpolar Council-Alaska, 2015). Thus, through community-based participatory action research with Inuvialuit community members, utilizing a foodways transmission lens, this study aimed to explore the role and relationship between CF, family, and IK transmission.

2 Materials and methods

2.1 Study area

This study took place in Aklavik, Tuktoyaktuk and Ulukhaktok (ISR). The population in all six ISR communities ranges from 111 to 3,282 individuals (See Supplementary Table 1) (NWT Bureau of Statistics, 2023). The ISR was formed in 1984 after signing a comprehensive land claim, Inuvialuit Final Agreement (IFA), with the Government of Canada, ensuring Inuvialuit control and management over land, wildlife, and financial resources (Inuvialuit Regional Corporation, 2023). Inuvialuit Corporations, including the Inuvialuit Regional Corporation (IRC), were created to receive and manage IFA benefits. Aklavik, Tuktoyaktuk, and Ulukhaktok were agreed upon by researchers and community partners as study sites due to their cultural and geographical differences, allowing for representation of Inuvialuit, Inuvialuit/Gwich’in, inland, coastal, and island communities (see Supplementary Table 2). Though each community has two retail food outlets, CF remain central to Inuvialuit diets and cultural wellbeing. More information about each community can be found in the Supplementary material.

2.1.1 Relationships and ethics

This study is part of two larger projects: Country Foods for Good Health (CFGH) and Community Capacity for Climate Change and Food Security Action (C4FS) in the ISR (Figure 1). The study collaborated closely with local and regional organizations (Supplementary Table 3) who identified supporting and facilitating youth connections to the CF system as a research priority.

Figure 1

Illustration of three aqpiit (cloudberries) on the shore close to an ocean. The three aqpiit (cloudberries) are labeled T1 “Learning on the land through experiences,” T2 “Nourished by the land,” and T4 “Guiding principles for present and future generations’ wellbeing.” Below, the ocean has a changing landscape (sandbars) representing barriers that families navigate, such as “Inadequate compensation systems for elders teaching,” “Climate change,” “Work and school schedule,” “Loss of knowledge,” “High cost of living and price of harvesting equipment,” and “Heavy use of video games and social media.” The text “T3 Navigating barriers” is written at the bottom.

Figure 1. Location of ISR and its six communities in the Northwest Territories. Image reproduced from Kenny et al. (2018), with permission from Elsevier.

CFGH, C4FS, and this study are guided by principles of community-based participatory action research with Inuit, by engaging in community research partnerships that support Inuit research capacity and self-determination in line with ITK’s research strategy, as well as relational accountability (Castleden et al., 2012; Wilson, 2008; Wilson et al., 2020; ITK, 2018).

The research team is made up of non-Inuvialuit and Inuvialuit researchers. Non-Inuvialuit team members have between 5 to 20 years of experience and time spent in community building relationships and collaborative research. For example, the lead author has worked with community partners and Community Research Leads (CRL) for five years, both remotely during COVID, as well as spending one to five weeks per year living and working in each community. Outside academic research, the research team has fostered relationships and trust with community members in all six ISR communities through school cookbooks, school CF cooking activities, community feasts, participating in community events, as well as one-on-one friendships.

Four Inuvialuit CRL and a Regional Research Coordinator were also key team members, working with the research team for over three to five years on these projects. The CRL were chosen and hired by community partner organizations and have received training in data collection and their TCPS2 certificate. Built-in continuity of CRL and the regional coordinator allowed for CRL to co-lead the creation of the interview guide, participant recruitment, interviewing, analysis, dissemination of results, and reviewing the manuscript. They are also co-authors of this paper. Our experience has been that the trust and relationship fostered between CRL, the “southern” research team, and community organizations allowed for broader community members to trust and build their own relationships with the “southern” research team, including participants in this study.

Ethics approval was received from the University of Waterloo Human Research Ethics Committee (REB #43298) and territorial approval from the Aurora Research Institute and the Government of the Northwest Territories (License #17456). Following ITKs strategy on research, especially priority area 4, all data will be shared with the IRC, ensuring Inuvialuit ownership, control, access, and possession of research, a key pillar to ensure Inuit self-determination in research (ITK, 2018). ITK’s research strategy is aligned with OCAP (First Nations Information Governance Centre, 2019).

2.2 Data collection

The research team displayed recruitment posters at high-traffic areas such as grocery stores and on respective community Facebook pages. For many rural and remote areas, including the ISR, Facebook is a main source of information, making it vital to our recruitment strategy. The research team conducted interviews in each community based on interest and availability. Team members, including Inuvialuit CRL, interviewed families using a semi-structured conversational format mostly in participants homes, with two interviews were conducted outside per the families’ request. The semi-structured conversational format enabled participant-led storytelling and sharing based on what they chose to share with researchers. The interview opened by discussing what family meant to participants and sharing favorite family stories. Semi-structured questions centred around the significance of being on the land for family, culture, and wellbeing, how families teach and learn from each other, and barriers and supports to families spending time together. This data collection method is culturally appropriate to interviewing Inuvialuit as it aligns with oral traditions of knowledge transmission and supporting relationality and accountability between the researcher and participating families (Kovach, 2010).

The study had no explicit criteria for youth, middle-aged adults, or Elders, with participants self-identifying. Youth participants ranged from 10 to 28 years old; Elders were typically 60 years or older. The research team interviewed families between winter and summer of 2024, in English (a translator was available upon request). Research team members presented preliminary results to participating organizations between February and April 2025. A community poster is currently underway showcasing the importance of family for “living a good life” in an engaging comic format, accessible for all ages.

2.3 Analysis

A research member transcribed the interviews verbatim, and the study utilized a reflexive thematic analysis following Braun and Clarke’s six-stage process, using NVivo data management software (Braun and Clarke, 2006, 2019; Campbell et al., 2021). The team coded using deductive and inductive coding. Prior to coding, the team members reviewed the transcripts and met to discuss initial patterns and meaning within the data. Part of the conversation included the regional research coordinator explaining skills and knowledge that Inuvialuit learn and embody throughout their lives in relation to one another, the land and how this knowledge compounds across generation, ensuring the present generation is capable. Deductive coding was chosen so IK values and CRL’s insights would guide the analysis and capture the intent of relational accountability within IK knowledge transfer, food security, and wellbeing, especially because CRL were not able to be part of the coding process. As there is limited guiding documents regarding IK, we use the guiding documents from Nunavut to inform our deductive coding. ‘Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit’ by Karetak et al. (2017, 41), defines IQ in Nunavut as “what Inuit have known all along” and “the truth through which we live a good life.” The six core guiding principles of IQ (serving, consensus decision-making, skills and knowledge acquisition, working together for a common purpose, environmental stewardship, and being resourceful in solving problems/being good at adapting) embodied the points highlighted by the Inuvialuit Regional Research Coordinator and chosen as deductive codes (Karetak et al., 2017; Tagalik, 2009; Tagalik et al., 2023).

Two non-Inuvialuit team members coded the transcripts. Importantly, these team members have both spent significant time in the ISR working and creating relationships with Inuvialuit. While deductively coding the transcripts, each coder kept notes regarding emerging inductive codes. The team then met to discuss the relation of the deductive and inductive codes across the whole data set and in relation to the research question. The lead author presented the initial themes to the larger team, including two Inuvialuit team members and then further refined them into the final themes presented in the results section. Guided by Elder’s advice in Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit (Karetak et al., 2017), we explore and incorporate IK with humility, and emphasize that as food systems researchers we offer a small but rich exploration of the role of CF and family to IK transmission.

Finally, an illustrative summary of the themes (see Figure 2) was co-created by the Aklavik CRL, M. R. P., and an illustrator (Madeleine-Zoé Corbeil-Robitaille). The group had three discussions about ways to depict the themes in a visual and culturally centred way, compared to a traditional table-format. The team chose aqpiit (cloudberries) to represent themes related to the land and culture due to their cultural significance and community members’ love of the tasty snack. The team chose to depict the theme of ‘navigating barriers’ as changes to the land- represented by pieces of land in the water which people have to navigate to access CF, wellbeing and learning.

Figure 2

Illustration of three landmasses on an ocean. The landmasses are labeled T1

Figure 2. Themes depicted as aqpiit (cloudberries) and a changing landscape (sandbars) as barriers that families navigate.

2.4 Strengths and limitations

This study contributes rich information about the experiences and importance of Inuvialuit families’ intergenerational knowledge transfer of IK and its importance for food security and wellbeing. The co-led design was a key strength of this study, ensuring this study was conducted with and by Inuvialuit.

Despite data collection challenges, including a seven-day road closure preventing travel to Tuktoyaktuk and scheduling difficulties, the study succeeded in providing insights into contemporary Inuvialuit families’ experiences with CF, subsistence harvesting and intergenerational IK transfer. Including CRL and oral data collection were key strengths, allowing for greater insights and rapport with participants. However, limitations include not including all ISR communities and our predominantly women-led and non-Indigenous southern research team. The study mitigated these limitations by working with communities of diverse geographies and community characteristics (i.e., population size, languages, cultures) and through frequent consultation with CRL, the regional research coordinator, and community partners. Finally, while the honorarium for participating families may impact the risk of participant bias, families were compensated for their time based on community partners’ guidance discussed during planning meetings and based on the high cost of living in the region, and honorarium affirms participants’ value and the importance of their participation (Groth, 2010).

3 Results

In this section, we provide an overview of participant characteristics, a visual synthesis of results (Figure 2), and a discussion of themes. Using our analysis and incorporating participants’ quotations, we explore the theme of learning on-the-land through experiences (Theme 1), nourished by the land (Theme 2), navigating barriers (Theme 3), and the guiding principles for present and future generations’ wellbeing (Theme 4).

The research team interviewed nine families (Aklavik = 3, Tuktoyaktuk = 2, Ulukhaktok = 4) with a total of 28 participants (Table 1). The number of family members present in each interview ranged from 2 to 4, with all but one interview having a youth present. Relations between interviewed family members, from the youth perspective, included youth-parent, −grandparent, −aunt/uncle, −sibling. Interviews ranged from 30 min to 1.5 h.

Table 1

Table 1. Description of families interviewed by generation size and generations represented.

Four themes relating to IK, wellbeing, and food among contemporary Inuvialuit families were developed from the interviews (Figure 2).

3.1 Theme 1. Learning on-the-land through experiences

A grandmother and Elder from Ulukhaktok say it perfectly, “The role of the family is very important because if we do not teach our kids, who’s going to teach them” (Ulukhaktok-Family 3-Grandmother). Inuvialuit families prefer to teach, not in set lessons but rather in experiences, described through “seeing and doing.” Typically, children and youth watch middle-aged adults and Elders and then try the task themselves.

The Inuvialuit teaching model described by participants is facilitated by the family and occurs predominantly on-the-land. Yet, learning and teaching were not exclusive to skills and knowledge of harvesting CF. Experiences include but are not limited to: preparing to go on-the-land, navigating on-the-land, preparing camp, watching, tracking animals, assessing animals and meat for food safety, butchering, and practicing Inuvialuktun (Uummarmiutun dialect) in Aklavik, Inuvialuktun (Sallirmiutun dialect) in Tuktoyaktuk, and Inuinnaqtun and Inuvialuktun (Sallirmiutun dialect) in Ulukhaktok.

While parents often facilitated teaching, learning from family was not exclusive to the nuclear family and included grandparents and extended family. Likewise, middle-aged men typically teach on-the-land knowledge, while middle-aged women typically teach food preparation knowledge. However, youth of both genders harvested and prepared CF. For instance, a female youth from Ulukhaktok shared about learning to harvest beluga, “Learning from my uncles watching how they do their thing on the boat” (Ulukhaktok-Family 3-Youth). Older youth also passed down knowledge, “I like teaching. Sometimes I do teach the younger grandchildren, and it’s fun” (Aklavik-Family 3-Youth) and wanted to continue learning, “younger generation needs to take responsibility for their learning” (Tuktoyaktuk-Family 1-Youth).

Working together as a family is seen as an essential Inuit value throughout learning experiences. For instance, a father in Aklavik describes how trapping and hunting caribou with his family was an opportunity to learn about skinning animals and work as a team:

“When we are trapping, mostly I just do all the skinning and stuff. The kids start learning how to skin animals and catch on pretty quick. It’s more easier for me to have an extra hand to help me. For the caribou to do it, it’s the same thing. Teach them once. They want to hunt all the time. We all say, hands on after they learn it, you harvest your animal, you clean it yourself” (Aklavik-Family 1-Father).

Participants stressed the importance of long periods of time on-the-land to have adequate opportunities to teach and learn the many skills for survival. Shorter trips were described as valuable for connecting to nature but are frequently viewed as not adequate enough to facilitate in-depth land-based learning, as one participant shared, “Day trips are all about time-there is more rushing,” while longer trips were “more thoughtful, more immersive” (Tuktoyaktuk Family 2-Grandfather/Elder). One great-grandmother and Elder from Ulukhaktok stressed the importance of having lots of time by stating, “You learn a lot more in extended trips other than just making day trips because it’s a lot more involved. You have to know that you have to watch out for predators at all times. You have to have enough supplies. You have to know the land and where you are going” (Ulukhaktok Family 2-Grandmother).

Likewise, being on-the-land teaches you to notice the land, air, and water essential for navigation.

“All these things my dad, my parents, and my Elders taught me, how do you use a GPS on the wind direction? Our GPS are these snowdrifts. The snowdrift, the wind, the tide on the water, and the clouds in the sky. All those things they taught me. If the cloud is dark, and it’s like big balls. That’s bad weather coming. If the water’s high and if the tide goes right up, either you got big west wind coming or you got a big rain coming. Our snowdrift is always mostly from East and West. That’s our GPS” (Ulukhaktok-Family 1-Daughter/Middle-aged).

Participants described the land as the best place to learn and practice their language, despite not speaking fluent Inuvialuktun (Uummarmiutun dialect) (Aklavik), Inuvialuktun (Sallirmiutun dialect) (Tuktoyaktuk) and Inuinnaqtun, Inuvialuktun (Sallirmiutun dialect) (Ulukhaktok).

“It is probably one of the best places to go out, to learn the language because, especially with Elders, you get to actually see what they are talking about…able to touch what type of plants they are talking about or seeing what kind of ice formations and that they are talking about, showing you, it sticks with you a lot more than in the classroom” (Ulukhaktok-Family 2-Uncle).

Ultimately, being on-the-land with family allows children and youth to learn through experiences that prepare them to harvest, survive on-the-land, and establish key fundamental principles of living a good life. For example, working together as a family reflects the guiding principles of IK. Children and youth learn in real time the importance of consensus decision-making and working together for a common purpose. Learning to navigate the land and notice animals and land teaches the concept of problem-solving and knowledge acquisition. Throughout these Inuvialuit families’ stories, it is evident that learning on the land not only teaches children and youth how to safely and successfully harvest and obtain food but also prepares the generation with life skills.

3.2 Theme 2. Nourished by the land

The land nourishes the body, mind and soul. Families described being nourished by the land through healthy foods, connection to culture, disconnection from life in town, and enjoyment with family. This is reflected in a grandfather’s story from Aklavik:

“If you look at the community, the ones that are doing good are the ones that spend a lot of time on-the-land with their families. You notice that, and their kids are doing really good. They’re not into drugs or alcohol. They’re excelling in sports. They’re excelling in all these other stuff. They’re the ones who have strong family ties, and these family ties come from traveling on-the-land, being in a bush with their families. But that’s one thing I noticed. The ones who do not really have the resources to go out there with their families are the ones that are hurting the most” (Aklavik Family 3-Grandfather).

Likewise, CF is an essential part of food security and wellbeing for families in the ISR. Most participants expressed that CF was healthier and more affordable than store-bought foods. For instance, one Elder describes, “On-the-land, the food that we get from the land is healthier than what we buy from the store. And we are not rich to buy whatever we want to buy from the store” (Aklavik-Family-2-Grandmother). This Elder and grandmother emphasize that access to the land not only nourishes the mind and body but provides access to healthy and affordable food.

There is an overall sentiment that the connection to culture on-the-land is healing. Words such as “healing,” “rejuvenating,” and “paradise” were used to describe the outcome of being on-the-land with family. As a middle-aged adult from Ulukhaktok stated, “Being out on-the-land is going back to our roots, to our connections. We feel more whole out there. It’s rejuvenating. It’s healing. When we spend time out on-the-land, and we come home, we are in a better state of mind than when we left” (Ulukhaktok-Family 3-Mother). Similarly, in Tuktoyaktuk, one middle-aged participant noted, “And when you are out on-the-land, I was explaining to an Elder recently that it’s just healing. You could just feel that energy, that good energy when you are out on-the-land” (Tuktoyaktuk-Family 2-Mother).

Connecting to culture and nurturing wellbeing is coupled with disconnecting from life in town. Participants of all generations stated that getting out of town allowed them to disconnect from technology, civilization, and frustrations, increasing mental resiliency. For example, one youth from Aklavik stated, “It’s a freedom of the modern world” (Aklavik-Family 3-Youth).

Distinctly, Elders and older adults associate being on-the-land with early life experiences of growing up on-the-land and culture, all sharing fond memories that have stayed with them. As one Elder and great grandmother from Ulukhaktok describes, “To be out on-the-land for me is where I grew up, is where you rejuvenate your body, your mind and your health, and you keep on the culture, and it makes your spirit lifts up” (Ulukhaktok-Family 4-Great Grandmother).

Notably, youth were most vocal about their enjoyment of on-the-land harvesting and spending time with family. Middle-aged adults and Elders also shared stories and reflections of enjoying their time on-the-land with family.

3.3 Theme 3. Navigating barriers

Participants described barriers they faced and adapted to in order to harvest, prepare and eat CF, spend time on-the-land, and pass down knowledge. Participants all discussed navigating the high cost of living, price of gas, and cost of equipment (i.e., snowmobile, ATV, proper clothing) for harvesting and spending time on-the-land. Families navigate wanting to travel far on the land and wanting to bring the whole family, with barriers such as a lack of equipment for everyone or waiting for parts for their snowmobile. For instance, a father from Aklavik said he was waiting for parts for his ATV in order to go out with his family, while a father from Ulukhaktok shared how his family cannot go all together because of a lack of snowmobiles, stating,

“He [points to his son] does not have a Honda to go, so he had to wait for it to come back. Then when he comes back, then they take over the Honda and go with his friends and family” (Ulukhaktok-Family 1-Grandfather).

Additionally, the high cost of living and harvesting has pushed some families to share less CF, with one great-grandmother in Aklavik stating, “They’re not doing that anymore. Just very few of them are still helping each other. Rather than it’s for themselves” (Aklavik-Family 2-Great Grandmother). Likewise, navigating economic structural policy with passing down knowledge in formal institutions such as schools is a complex experience for many Elders. An Elder from Aklavik had to choose between her pension and passing on knowledge at the school.

“As Elders, we get only so much for pension. Then when we work for school, our pension dropped right next to nothing. I tried that so I had to get out of it in order for us to survive, what we like doing” (Aklavik-Family 2-Grandmother).

Families also shared navigating the shift toward a Western economic lifestyle and its impact on passing down knowledge. For instance, a global economic market shift away from fur caused loss of income and reduced knowledge transfer about harvesting and preparing animal furs (mainly muskrat) in Aklavik, with an Elder from Aklavik describing:

“And Greenpeace too has a lot to do with it. Like, our price of selling the muskrats. That’s why nobody went out because it did not- You’re not getting ahead because the muskrat price is so low and the gas price is so high” (Aklavik-Family 2-Grandmother).

Additionally, families navigate and balance work and school schedules with subsistence harvesting. For instance, families shared, “Things [harvesting supplies] are so expensive that we have to work. And if we have to take leave without pay [to harvest], that’s a little difficult to do” (Tuktoyaktuk-Family 1-Youth) and a youth from Tuktoyaktuk sharing “I really love the land but school gets in the way, but it’s important to graduate” (Tuktoyaktuk-Family 2-Youth). Additionally, families shared how they compromise and go on the weekend as “weekend warriors” (Ulukhaktok-Family 4-Aunt).

However, another barrier, climate change, adds overlapping challenges by reducing the number of days people can go out on-the-land. “We work every day, five days a week in order to be able to go out on-the-land on the weekends. And some days, we do not even get to go out on weekends because of weather change” (Ulukhaktok-Family 2-Mother).

Families across all three communities discussed climate change as another barrier to navigate to access the land. Water, which surrounds and runs through the ISR, was a key topic in families’ experiences of climate change. Aklavik, which is surrounded by freshwater channels and lakes, relies heavily on waterways for long-distance harvesting sites and is increasingly impacted by water changes. For instance, a father describes, “Sometimes the water do not go up to open the lakes so it’s harder to hunt muskrats. So, I’d say it really has something to do with climate change” (Aklavik-Family 1-Father). Likewise, in the coastal community of Tuktoyaktuk, another father notices “a big difference with the weather, and it [the sea ice] melts a lot quicker than 20 years ago” (Tuktoyaktuk Family 2-Grandfather), and in Ulukhaktok, a mother shared,

“We really cannot predict the weather anymore. In the past, our Elders used to check the weather. We had an Elderly man that lived across the Bay, he could tell the weather in just by looking at the clouds, looking out, and he was able to predict the weather. But now, before he passed, he said, ‘You cannot even tell what the weather’s not going to be like tomorrow anymore’” (Ulukhaktok-Family 3-Mother).

3.3.1 Sub-theme: “slows the process”: impacts of barriers on knowledge transfer

As established in theme one, ‘learning on-the-land through experiences’, extended trips on-the-land provide the best opportunities to learn through different opportunities and experiences. The overlapping barriers faced by Inuvialuit families negatively impact IK transfer from older to younger generations by reducing opportunities to learn. In Tuktoyaktuk, one mother says climate change “slows the process” of learning (Tuktoyaktuk Family 2-Mother), and in Ulukhaktok a grandfather states, “We used to be able to go out on our land for long periods of time, during seasonal movements, but with climate change now, it’s so different. Things are happening so quickly” (Ulukhaktok-Family 2-Grandfather).

3.3.2 Sub-theme: tensions between technology, IK transfer, and wellbeing

GPS, satellite phones, and InReach devices were mentioned as vital pieces of technology for safety and communication in case of emergencies when on-the-land. However, participants shared that technology can be a barrier to knowledge transfer with. TV, video games, and online activity cited as distracting to youth. Subsequently, learning through process and family bonding are diminished.

“So, it has impacted us on a negative side, a lot of the younger generation, are quite reluctant to be away from the community for extended periods of time if they do not have internet or cell service. I know some of them only go as far as they can, where they could get, cell service, and there’s no more weeklong trips without that” (Ulukhaktok-Family 2-Uncle).

“Bonding, more bonding because you are more isolated and able to, I guess, give more attention to the people who are around rather than being distracted by television or cell phones or computers” (Aklavik-Family 3-Grandfather).

Even ‘positive’ technology such as GPS posed a threat to IK transfer and skill mastery, with middle-aged adults and Elders worried that it impacts key navigational skills needed for being on-the-land. In Tuktoyaktuk, a father stresses, “Kids need to get off their phones, we need to be our own GPS, using landmarks. We do not want to lose our traditional knowledge” (Tuktoyaktuk-Family 1-Father).

3.4 Theme 4. Guiding principles for the present and future generations’ wellbeing

Indigenous Knowledge guiding principles are woven throughout families’ experiences and guide families’ philosophy on how to “live a good life.” These IK guiding principles included serving, protecting the land, being good at adapting, and skills and knowledge acquisition.

Importantly, the guiding principle of serving through sharing is a praised principle passed on by Elders that will keep Inuvialuit healthy. This is evident by families being proud of sharing food, equipment and knowledge.

“Yeah. One thing, too, though, is say if you wanted someone to go out hunting for you, you would lend them your outfit, your skidoo, your gas, things like that. I noticed that a lot in the community!” (Tuktoyaktuk-Family 2-mother).

“We were taught to share with whatever we got. I’m very thankful that whenever he [points to great grandson/youth] goes out hunting, he does not just get one or two. He′ll go out there and get an extra couple maybe and just give it to the people without, you know, some people wanna buy it. But him, he likes to give it out and that’s a thing that I’m very proud that he learned that knowledge from our Elders” (Aklavik-Family 2-Great Grandmother).

Some participants stressed the need to balance receiving shared CF with going on-the-land. One mother that shared food, equipment and knowledge stressed, “I think it’s changed, too, because we have lots of community hunts, so they do not need to go hunting. They’re going to give it to community members. People’s mindset changed. They do not go and do it for themselves because they help us with meats and everything, too” (Aklavik Family 3-Mother). As such, a healthy community preparing for future generations is one in which families both value and participate in sharing and harvesting.

Protecting the land was at the forefront of families’ experiences, which emphasized that harvesting to access food is also paired with taking care of the land by only harvesting what is needed and using the whole animal. In this way, Inuvialuit enable present and future generations to be nourished by the land. As one Elder explained,

“Where you get your animal, you do not take everything home. Anything you are going to leave behind has to be left for the animal and the land because it nourishes the land, and it feeds the rest of the animals. It is only garbage you take back-plastic, paper, whatever… When you hunted a long time ago, you did not overkill. You got what you needed for your family and for what was needed through the winter because wintertime is the harshest time for a person to go hunting” (Ulukhaktok-family 4-Grandmother).

Adaptive potential to climate change is also evident through families describing being good at adapting, responding and adjusting to the landscape, weather, and animals while harvesting. Although climate change is impacting the landscape, the overall sentiment by families was that they would continue to adapt and stay on-the-land as best as possible:

“Well, things are changing, the weather, the environment, the Delta, and it’s changing more rapidly. So even me, I’m still learning because of the changes. There’s some things we have to adapt to. When I first went down to Shingle, the trip wasn’t really that long because we were able to go through certain creeks and that make it shorter. But now we have to because of the change in the environment and low water in the Delta we have to adapt. We still adapt” (Aklavik-Family 3-Grandfather).

Being good at adapting to keep healthy is also evident in families bridging knowledge systems, with many discussing using IK and Western science to ensure food safety. Harvesters mentioned working with “Elders or the biologist” (Aklavik-Family 3-Grandfather), while another shared, “We know to sample them and get them sent out and get them analyzed, and we know what signs to look for” (Ulukhaktok-Family 2-Uncle). Families also discussed the use of cultural navigational skills paired with technology such as GPS, sonar systems, and online ice information to increase safety on-the-land and navigate the changing land due to climate change.

The value of skills and knowledge acquisition for the betterment of Inuvialuit was also evident in Elders’ strong desire to share their knowledge with children and youth, ensuring they are prepared for the barriers they may face in the future. For instance, one Elder and grandfather shared,

“I go to meetings all the time, and I bring this up as about an Elder and a full-time harvester, and also about my knowledge, Elders’ knowledge, and traditional knowledge. I would like to do more workshops on this climate change. But they always pick out some other people. I still would like to explain how I’ve seen this happening, how I’ve seen the erosion happening on-the-land, and how the permafrost is going. All that stuff on-the-land… Some young people does not know. We need to have this kind of workshop in order to let them understand what they should be prepared for. Like these young people still got a long way to grow and what to expect. For me, I’m not going to be here all the time, so I would like to share that and let them understand and teach them” (Ulukhaktok-Family 1-Grandfather).

Ultimately, participating families identified Inuit guiding principles to keep Inuvialuit families and communities nourished and taught by the land for physical, mental, and spiritual wellbeing.

4 Discussion

4.1 Connecting learning, wellbeing, and culture

Learning through land-human relationships has been integral to Inuit Knowledge since time immemorial, grounded in the interconnectedness of culture, humans, animals, and environment. Families in this study indicated that learning through the land through hands-on experiences is the most effective way to pass down knowledge and be immersed in generational and cultural experiences, reflecting Indigenous land as pedagogy principles of ‘land as first teacher’(Bowra et al., 2021; Tuck et al., 2014). Similarly, Inuit in Nunavik identified the interconnection between family, community, the land, and IQ as a key principle of Inuit wellbeing (Dion et al., 2024). As Marin and Bang (2018) illustrate, conversations and time shared among family provides opportunities for co-constructing and learning, in this case the transmission of Indigenous Knowledge on the land, including foodways transmission. Historically, Indigenous Knowledge transmission varied, to a degree, by groups, camps, families and individuals, which were interrupted by colonization such as residential schools, day schools, and forced settlement (Oosten and Miller, 2018; Karetak et al., 2017). Today, Indigenous Knowledges continue to be passed on. Mittimalalingmuit women shared that IQ is an ongoing balance of ecological and social elements that are not a thing to be known, but a “process of coming to know” (Bonny, 2008). Their experiences are similar to those shared from Inuvialuit families here; highlighting the importance of experiential learning for holistic wellbeing. Likewise, in a book of Elders’ knowledge from across Nunavut, “Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit: What Inuit Have Always Known to be True,” Elders stress that giving out information slowly is the best way to teach, giving the learners (children and youth) time to think, absorb, and apply information (Karetak et al., 2017).

Indeed, documenting the importance of Inuit Knowledge for Inuit food security and wellbeing is crucial. Yet, Elders from Nunavut also stressed that writing about IQ was not easily done due to their fear of losing IQ’s meaning, significance and representing the collective rather than personal experiences. Thus, it is essential to emphasize that the present study does not document IK, but rather begins to explore the relationship between family, IK, food, and wellbeing in the ISR.

Access to the land is essential for Inuvialuit learning, food security, and wellbeing. Interviewed families from the present study stressed that the land is healing and rejuvenating, allowing them to connect with their culture and ancestors while disconnecting from the stresses in town. Additionally, their description of the Inuit principle of protecting the land through values such as “only taking what you need” and “using the whole animal” highlights Inuvialuit relationships with the land and animals, and the need for environmental health to support Inuvialuit wellbeing. Similarly, in-depth interviews with Inuit women in Nunavut and IQ holders across 14 communities found the importance of CF to extend past food security and physical nourishment, with country being connected to wellbeing, culture and identity, describing CF as “medicine,” “soul food” and “core of their culture” (Caughey et al., 2024; Carter et al., 2025).

Newell and Doubleday (2020) found similar results in Chesterfield Inlet, Nunavut; being on the land was essential for food security, passing down culture, and wellbeing. Likewise, the Inuit principle of serving through sharing was key to wellbeing in Chesterfield Inlet, with families sharing CF and equipment to support each other. In Nunavik, Quebec, youth identified family, CF, language, and land as conditions needed for a healthy community. Youth also indicated wanting more time on the land (Pawlowski et al., 2022). In the ISR, youth identified access to CF and cultural activities with family as important to wellbeing, through nutrition, mental health support, and enjoyment (Ramirez Ramirez Prieto et al., 2025). Importantly, youth mainly accessed CF from their families, and learned about CF from their families including the importance of sharing (Ramirez Ramirez Prieto et al., 2025). Similarly, the present study found that sharing is key to keeping present and future Inuvialuit generations healthy and identified that across generations, the land was essential for physical and mental wellbeing.

In the NWT, Dene First Nation youth identified a connections to the land as a social determinant of health and a healthy community, including time on the land, CF, culture, friendship and family as essential to their wellbeing (Lines and Jardine, 2019; Woodworth et al., 2025). These findings echo the present study’s findings on the importance of the land, family, and culture for food security and wellbeing among Inuvialuit generations. These shared values within the NWT highlight the importance of cultural continuity for wellbeing across Indigenous communities.

Within the ISR, the importance of cultural connections through connections to the land for wellbeing, beyond physical health, must be stressed. Cultural connection, knowledge transmission, and family strength have been identified as protective factors against suicide among Inuit and Inuvialuit (ITK, 2016; Inuvialuit Regional Corporation, 2022). The ISR suicide prevention strategy highlights “help grow and develop strong healthy families” as a major area of work, which includes supporting parents in providing nurturing and healthy environments for their children. The present study relates directly to the IRC suicide prevent efforts to support health families by identifying facilitators and barriers to supporting families, enhancing connections to culture and community, and nourishing wellbeing, including food security. Crucially, this study emphasizes that spending time on the land is a critical support for Inuvialuit families to nourish their physical, mental, and spiritual wellbeing.

Moreover, place, specifically ancestral Inuvialuit land, is essential for wellbeing of Inuvialuit families, with the importance of land to Inuit documented throughout Inuit Nunangat and Alaska (Pawlowski et al., 2022; Loring and Gerlach, 2009; Willox et al., 2012; Inuit Circumpolar Council-Alaska, 2015; Robertson and Ljubicic, 2019). Families in this study indicated various facilitators to land based learning and connecting to the land. For example, duck hunting was a strong skill held across family members in Ulukhaktok; attributed to easier accessibility, including proximity to town, low cost, and time availability (with hunts in June, a month with no school and good weather). However, participants faced challenges balancing time to be on the land with work and school, securing equipment and funds, and dealing with climate change which limited access to harvesting grounds and shortened safe travel windows due to extreme weather due to climate change. The impacts of climate change on Inuit wellbeing have been documented across Inuit Nunangat (Cunsolo and Ellis, 2018; Cunsolo et al., 2020; Willox et al., 2012; Ford, 2009a; Ford and Pearce, 2010). In Rigolet, Nunatsiavut, climate change is having negative effects on community members’ attachment to the land by disrupting harvesting; and, community members reported being depressed, down, and struggling with their mental health due to climate and environmental changes (Petrasek MacDonald et al., 2013). It is evident that Inuvialuit families are employing adaptations to mitigate climate change vulnerabilities, including IK aiding in adaptations. However, adaptations are mostly reactive in nature and can include costly purchases of equipment (Ford and Pearce, 2010; Naylor et al., 2021a), revealing layered barriers, as equipment may be financially inaccessible to many, as documented in this study. Regional climate adaptation studies highlight financial constraints, and declining youth IK as factors weakening sharing networks, cultural values, and ultimately Inuvialuit adaptability to changing climate (Ford and Pearce, 2010). As such, the present study emphasizes the need to invest in familial supports to facilitate IK foodways transmission and Inuit principles, such as sharing, to support food security and wellbeing for present and future generations. Nevertheless, our understanding of current climate change vulnerability would be improved by further research (Ford and Pearce, 2010; Naylor et al., 2021b).

Collective continuance, coined by Potawatomi scholar Kyle Whyte, situates food sovereignty within self-determination, climate justice, and wellbeing, representing a group’s adaptive capacity to maintain the cultural integrity, health, economic success, and political order for present and future generations (Whyte, 2017, 2019, 2016). This study emphasizes that family connection to culture is critical to Inuvialuit collective continuance, as knowledge and wellbeing is fostered within spaces of family time and learning. In turn, IK is vital for cultural integrity and wellbeing for present and future generations, including in the face of climate change.

4.2 Conclusion

The present study, conducted in partnership with community organizations in Aklavik, Tuktoyaktuk, and Ulukhaktok, ISR, Canada, provides insight into Inuvialuit families’ experiences, human-animal-environment connections and IK as core qualities of their capacities of “living a good life” that contribute to food sovereignty and food security. Findings highlight that extended time on the land as a family fosters holistic nourishment, harvesting and survival skills, and skills for “living a good life,” while systemic and climate change constrains these opportunities for families. Families emphasized guiding principles such as sharing, environmental stewardship, and adaptability as key for keeping present and future generations healthy. The information provided in this paper is not new to Inuvialuit but does fill a critical research gap regarding IK transmission. It is provided for the benefit of evidence for Inuvialuit food security and wellbeing programs, policies, and services, as well as for non-Inuvialuit audiences to better understand the role of family and CF to IK transmission for wellbeing.

Data availability statement

The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/Supplementary material. Privacy restrictions exist for the raw data, as it is owned by the Inuvialuit Regional Corporation to ensure Inuvialuit ownership, control, access, and possession of research information.

Ethics statement

The studies involving humans were approved by the University of Waterloo Human Research Ethics Committee (REB #43298), and territorial approval from the Aurora Research Institute and Government of the Northwest Territories (License #17456). The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. The ethics committee/institutional review board waived the requirement of written informed consent for participation from the participants or the participants’ legal guardians/next of kin because each participant provided written informed consent for their own participation and participants were interviewed together with their family as a group.

Author contributions

MR: Conceptualization, Funding acquisition, Methodology, Project administration, Validation, Writing – review & editing, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Visualization, Writing – original draft. SO: Conceptualization, Data curation, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Writing – review & editing, Supervision. TD: Formal analysis, Writing – review & editing. CR: Formal analysis, Investigation, Project administration, Validation, Visualization, Writing – review & editing. SA: Data curation, Investigation, Project administration, Validation, Writing – review & editing. SM: Data curation, Investigation, Project administration, Validation, Writing – review & editing. CS: Data curation, Investigation, Project administration, Writing – review & editing. KS: Conceptualization, Funding acquisition, Methodology, Project administration, Supervision, Validation, Writing – review & editing.

Funding

The author(s) declared that financial support was received for this work and/or its publication. This work was supported by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research [grant number 166443]; Global Water Futures; Northern Contaminants Program [grant number HH-19]; Northern Scientific Training Program; CIHR-PHAC Applied Public Health Chair [179673].

Acknowledgments

The authors thank Shayla Arey, Nigel Koplomik, Susie Memogana and Camille Slack for their assistance in data collection. This research would not have been possible without the support of the people of Aklavik, Tuktoyaktuk, and Ulukhaktok, and the families who shared their experiences. A special thank you/Quyanainni/Quana to the Aklavik Hunters and Trappers Committee, Tuktoyaktuk Hunters and Trappers Committee, and Olokhaktomiut Hunters and Trappers Committee for their assistance and guidance. Finally, thank you for funding from the SSHRC Doctoral Fellowship program, the Association of Canadian Universities for Northern Studies’ Canadian Northern Studies Trust, and Polar Knowledge Canada.

Conflict of interest

The author(s) declared that this work was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Generative AI statement

The author(s) declared that Generative AI was not used in the creation of this manuscript.

Any alternative text (alt text) provided alongside figures in this article has been generated by Frontiers with the support of artificial intelligence and reasonable efforts have been made to ensure accuracy, including review by the authors wherever possible. If you identify any issues, please contact us.

Publisher’s note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Supplementary material

The Supplementary material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fclim.2025.1694926/full#supplementary-material

References

Andrachuk, M., and Pearce, T. (2010). “Vulnerability and adaptation in two Communities in the Inuvialuit settlement region” in Community Adaptation and Vulnerability in Arctic Regions. eds. G. Hovelsrud and B. Smit (Springer Dordrecht), 63–81. doi: 10.1007/978-90-481-9174-1_3