Sunday Olutayo Fakunle1*†
Albert Oludele Ajani2†- 1Department of Sociology and Social Work, Redeemer’s University, Ede, Nigeria
- 2Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria
Introduction: Studies have reported inadequate levels of individual participation in sustainable household solid waste (HSW) management practices, a limited number of indigenous studies have considered cultural factors as a possible underlying influence on handling the waste. Therefore, this study explored the influence of cultural elements on the practices used to manage HSW.
Methods: The study was carried out in four purposively selected quarters, namely Moore, Iremo, Ilode, and Ilare in Ile-Ife, southwestern Nigeria. Within each quarter, convenience sampling was employed to select 9 participants for face-to-face in-depth interviews, resulting in a total sample size of 36 participants. Content and thematic analysis methods were utilised to analyse the data collected.
Results: The study identified various cultural elements, such as cultural norms, symbols, values, beliefs, conventions, and religious practices, as influential factors shaping household solid waste management practices, including zero waste, waste reduction or minimisation, waste-to-wealth, waste-to-energy, reuse, waste exchange, waste gifting, landfilling, dumpsite usage, incineration, and others. The study concluded that Yoruba cultural elements such as values, beliefs, norms, and customs concurrently negatively and positively influence several practices to manage HSW. These practices ranged from the exchange of waste for a new household item, a system that resembled the conventional trade-by-barter system, waste gifting, waste to cash, and waste to energy. Other practices included burning, landfilling, and using (informally) designated dumps.
Discussion: The study confirmed the role of culture in the adoption of these disposal practices among Yoruba residents of the study location. This confirmation manifested in the practice of reciprocity, gathering materials to build spirits’ abodes, the belief that nature will take care of the waste as one of its components, the belief that burning enhances soil fertility, the custom of using the ashes from the burning, and the belief in the role of social norms and economic status.
Introduction
Every year, World Environment Day is celebrated on June 5th. This celebration is an initiative of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) since 1973 (Geneva Environment Network, 2025). The aim is to raise awareness about environmental issues including pollution, and more. The day is a global platform for inspiring positive environmental action and fostering discussion on how to create a more sustainable future. One of the purposes of marking the World Environment Day is to raise awareness about the importance of safeguarding our planet and to inspire individuals to adopt sustainable practices in their everyday lives.
Moreover, novel concepts that are relevant to environmental management such as planetary health and one health are emerging. Planetary health emphasizes the interconnectedness between the health of human beings and the health of the natural systems on which we depend, such as air, water, soil, and biodiversity (Mago et al., 2024). Thus, improper household waste management threatens the environment and human wellbeing by contributing to pollution, disease outbreaks, and climate change. One health recognizes the interdependence of human, animal, and environmental health (Al-Hassan et al., 2025). In the context of household waste management, this means that improper waste management practices can negatively impact not just human health, but also the health of other animals and ecosystems (Brown et al., 2024). For example, discarded plastic material, a contents of household solid waste (HSW) is dangerous to marine life and contaminate the food chain, leading to health issues for both animals and humans who depend on seafood for nutrition (Brown et al., 2024).
The concerned social problem prompting this study
The improper disposal of HSW, including metal, polythene, earthen, wooden, plastic, cotton, and aluminium materials, is a widespread practice in Ile-Ife and across Nigeria (Eneh, 2025; Fakunle and Ajani, 2021). This situation has resulted in environmental degradation, drainage blockages, stagnant water, and proliferation of harmful pathogens and pests (Fakunle et al., 2022; Zhechen et al., 2024), all of which negatively impact the health and living standards of residents, particularly those living in poverty. The grave consequences of improper waste management and the resulting health challenges exacerbate existing economic hardship, requiring urgent intervention to promote sustainable waste management practices (Fakunle, 2024; Yeboah et al., 2025). With the ultimate goal of contributing to the development of strategies to encourage proper handling of HSW to address the pressing social and environmental problems associated with HSW in Ile-Ife, this study aims to understand how cultural elements influence such practices among Yoruba residents of the location.
Research problem prompting this study
While studies have reported inadequate levels of individual participation in sustainable HSW management practices (Amritha and Anilkumar, 2016; Apio et al., 2024; Ajani and Fakunle, 2021b; Zhechen et al., 2024), a limited number of indigenous studies (Fakunle, 2025b) have considered cultural factors as a possible underlying influence on handling the waste. In the current study, culture refers to the collective system of shared norms, values, beliefs, symbols, customs, and religious practices that shapes and guides the behaviours and social practices of a community (Fakunle and Okunola, 2026). Culture influences how individuals perceive, interact with, and manage their environment, including specific practices such as HSW management (Fakunle, 2025b). It encompasses both tangible and intangible elements that inform customary ways of living, decision-making processes, and reciprocal social relations within a given society. Therefore, the impact of cultural elements, including norms, beliefs and values, on HSW management practices remains under-researched. The above-highlighted concerned social problem implies that investigating the influence of cultural elements on HSW management practices in Ile-Ife is critical for understanding how culturally specific interventions might promote environmentally responsible practices to manage the waste. These practices include zero waste, segregation, sorting, and HSW disposal practices that can prevent the waste from becoming a nuisance and contributing to environmental and health problems; hence, this study.
Research objective
The study’s sole objective was to explore how cultural elements influence the practices to manage HSW among Yoruba residents of Ile-Ife.
The novelty of the study
The novelty of this study stems from its examination of the influence of cultural factors, such as norms, beliefs, and values, on practices to take care of HSW in Ile-Ife. By unravelling the complex interplay between cultural factors and waste management behaviours, this study contributes to the literature on sustainable waste management and provides a unique perspective on how indigenous cultural elements can be leveraged to promote environmentally responsible practices in Nigerian communities.
Theoretical framework
The current study draws upon Schatzki (1996) Cultural Practice Theory to explore the influence of cultural factors on practices to manage their HSW. The theory emphasises the interplay of symbolic meanings, practical competences, and material resources, which are deeply embedded within a specific cultural and social context and shape individuals’ choices and behaviours, including those related to HSW management. The theory posits that human behaviours are not individualistic choices but are grounded in socially shared practices, which comprise intertwined elements of meanings, competences, and materials. Therefore, people’s waste management behaviours are shaped by the culturally embedded practices and norms of their community. In the context of indiscriminate dumping of HSW in Nigeria, the theory suggests that this phenomenon is entrenched within the unique cultural meanings and values of Nigerian society. This position underlines the need for culturally informed interventions to address this environmental issue.
The theory postulates that the cultural meanings, interpretations, and values that people ascribe to HSW management influence their engagement with the practice. These cultural elements are dynamic, evolving through people’s interactions and experiences, emphasising the need to study their influence on adopted practices to take care of their HSW among Yoruba residents of Ile-Ife. Hence, the current study aimed to explore how these cultural elements shape these practices and behaviour in this location.
Methods
The research adopted an exploratory design and was conducted in Ile-Ife, Osun State, Nigeria, which is renowned for its rich cultural heritage and indigenous quarters. To gain a diverse perspective, four quarters were selected through purposive sampling: Moore, Iremo, Ilode, and Ilare. The profound historical and cultural importance of these four quarters within Ile-Ife guided their selection. These quarters serve as key locations where numerous family compounds are situated, providing traditional meeting spaces that have been integral to community life over generations. They also encompass significant historical and traditional residences, as well as shrines and worship centres dedicated to the indigenous traditional religion. These features make them central to the spiritual and cultural fabric of the area. Collectively, these quarters embody the essence of traditional Ile-Ife. As such, these quarters offer an authentic and rich context for capturing the true cultural traits and practices of the indigenes of Ile-Ife, thereby providing an ideal setting for this study. Within each quarter, convenience sampling was employed to select 9 participants for face-to-face in-depth interviews, resulting in a total sample size of 36 participants. This sample size (36) was subject to change until data collection reached saturation, the point at which no new unique information regarding the issue under study could be obtained from additional participants. However, this targeted sample size achieved saturation. This sample size aligns with the recommendations of Creswell and Creswell (2023), Dahal et al. (2024), and Wutich et al. (2024). The participants were Yoruba adults who had resided in each selected quarter for at least 20 years, with a minimum age of 50 years. Given the study’s focus on cultural influences, elderly participants were purposively selected as they were recognized custodians of indigenous cultures. These individuals possessed extensive knowledge of the history and traditional practices related to household solid waste management in Ile-Ife, the study location. Consequently, the participant selection criteria for this study aimed to identify those most knowledgeable, a status confirmed by their detailed and insightful responses to questions about conventional ways of life within the community. Therefore, the age distribution of participants aligns with the study’s objective of capturing culturally rich and contextually relevant information. Participants who expressed disinterest in participating in the study were excluded to ensure a high level of engagement and reliability in the data collection process. To ensure comfort and focus, the interviews were conducted in a conducive environment. The participants’ responses were recorded using an audio device, supplemented by notes taken to capture any non-verbal cues such as facial expressions or gestures during the responses. The researcher led the interviews, while a trained field assistant was present to take notes. This process enabled a comprehensive and accurate documentation of the data.
The analysis of the gathered primary data was in stages. Foremost, numbers were assigned to each recorded interview and discussion for proper identification and easy retrieval. Data analysis utilised both content and thematic analysis methods. The recorded interviews, including any non-verbal cues captured in the notes, were manually transcribed and categorised according to similarities in the responses. This process required reading and listening to the tape recorded data repeatedly. Then, the transcribed data were edited to correct mistakes and remove errors that were not amendable to avoid data manipulation. Responses that were obtained in the interviews and discussion were coded and categorised according to their similarities, after which appropriate themes, related patterns, and categories were manually sorted out. The data presentation and discussion began with the socio-economic characteristics of the study participants. The specific objective of the study forms the next main theme which is “household solid waste disposal practices among Yoruba residents of Ile-Ife.” The subthemes that were obtained here were “exchange of household solid waste for new household items,” “waste gifting,” “waste to cash,” “waste to energy,” “landfilling,” “using (informally) designated dumpsites,” and “using the services of the waste collectors.” The last specific objective of the study, which is the role of culture (beliefs, norms, values, customs, and symbols) in household solid waste disposal practices in the study location, formed the fourth main theme. However, a number of these roles were featured in the preceding theme, while others were thematically presented under the fourth theme. The subthemes that were obtained here were “the belief that nature will take care of the waste as one of its components,” “the belief that burning enhances soil fertility,” “the custom of using the ashes from the burning,” “the role of poverty and illiteracy in household solid waste disposal practice,” “Yoruba cultural values and indiscriminate disposal of household solid waste,” and “a lack of constituted authority to challenge the indiscriminate dumping of refuse.” Some extracts that depicted the salient points useful in the data interpretation section accompanied the findings of this study.
Results
The study participants socio-economic characteristics
Among the 36 participants in the study, 25 were women and 11 were men. This gender distribution was influenced by the traditional Yoruba belief that women assume primary responsibility for household waste management, underscoring the gendered nature of waste management practices in the Ile-Ife context. The informants’ ages ranged from 50 years and above, with 12 participants aged between 50 and 59 years, 9 participants between 60 and 69 years, 7 participants between 70 and 79 years, 6 participants between 80 and 89 years, and 2 participants over 90 years of age. The diversity of religious beliefs in Nigeria was represented in the study location, with Christianity, Islam, and Indigenous Traditional Religion all present among the study participants. Some of the informants professed to practising multiple faiths, but the main religion with which they publicly identified was emphasised in the study. Among the 36 participants, 13 were Christian, 12 were Muslim, and 11 were African Traditional Religion practitioners. A summary of the participants’ socio-economic characteristics is presented in Supplementary Appendix 1.
Cultural elements and the practices to manage HSW
Cultural elements in zero waste and waste reduction/minimization practices
According to the study data, a prevailing belief among the participants was that HSW reduction was not feasible. The reasons given for this belief were diverse, ranging from the ongoing increase in human wants and the insatiable nature of human needs, to the perceived lack of choice when purchasing items, regardless of their packaging, and the psychological benefits and self-esteem associated with certain types of packaging. These factors all contributed to the perceived impracticality of HSW reduction. Furthermore, the participants expressed the view that the rate they generated their HSW was uncontrollable. This view was so entrenched that one participant likened waste generation to breathing, indicating a perception of waste as an inevitable byproduct of human activity. The study found that this belief was pervasive among the participants, contributing to the lack of a sense of responsibility for achieving zero waste or waste reduction. The belief was further supported by the idea that waste generation is not a deliberate practice but rather a consequence of other, leading to the conclusion that waste reduction was considered impracticable among the study participants. Therefore, generating waste is a norm among the participants. The excerpt that follows encapsulates the findings of the study, providing a succinct summary of the key insights gleaned.
I want to contend that nobody could be willing to generate waste without a cause. For instance, nobody will buy an item only because of the waste that will be generated from it. Therefore, I do not really think the quantity of the waste to be generated can be reduced, just like breath. That’s my take, anyway (Participant 18, woman, 54-year-old, Moore Quarters).
In addition, the study discovered that many participants considered their personal efforts to reduce HSW to be ineffective, attributing this to the government’s failure to enforce the use of biodegradable materials in packaging. The study concluded that this top-down approach was responsible for the lack of effective waste reduction practices, as individuals were not motivated to reduce waste if the government did not enforce regulations. The study also found that, in practice, avoidance of waste creation was not a significant consideration when purchasing household items. Instead, participants were primarily concerned with fulfilling their needs, cost, and the culturally perceived value of the item, without regard for its potential contribution to waste generation. An extract below reflects this finding.
If the government or any constituted authority considers that using plastic materials, such as nylon, is bad, all that the government should do is ban their use and introduce an alternative. How I can reduce the quantity of waste I generate is not clear to me because, in all I do, I consider my convenience first. (Participant 12, woman, 69-year-old, Iremo Quarters).
The study data revealed conflicting perspectives among the participants regarding the relationship between affluence and reduction in HSW generation. Some respondents believed that higher levels of wealth and material possessions were associated with an increase in household waste, due to the tendency for wealthier individuals to consume and discard more items. However, other respondents held the view that greater affluence led to reduced household waste, as those with higher incomes could purchase goods in bulk and avoid the excessive packaging materials that accompany smaller purchases. Conversely, some participants suggested that lower socioeconomic status was associated with increased household waste due to the inability to afford bulk purchases, leading to a greater reliance on smaller, more frequently packaged goods. These contrasting views uncovered the nature of waste generation and its relationship to socioeconomic factors. These findings were portrayed in the extract below.
I observe that items bought in large quantities tend to generate less waste than items bought in small quantities. For instance, imagine purchasing a sachet of Milo (a beverage) weighing 450 g on one hand and buying a roll in a smaller quantity; the waste that the roll will generate will be greater than that of the 450 g. Therefore, one of the ways to reduce the quantity of the waste is by buying items in large quantities (Participant 12, woman, 69-year-old, Iremo Quarters).
Contrary to the aforementioned perspectives, some participants viewed waste reduction efforts as a form of sacrifice, leading to decreased consumption and purchases due to financial constraints. In other words, they perceived waste reduction as a direct consequence of not having enough disposable income to afford the desired quantity of goods. This differing opinion implied that socioeconomic factors and attitudes toward waste reduction are interrelated and require further exploration. The following excerpt synthesizes this key finding.
May God never make us live in penury. I believe that only poverty tends to make someone think about reducing the quantity of household items so that the waste quantity generated from the items can also be reduced (Participant 15, woman, 65-year-old, Ilode Quarters).
The study findings revealed that reducing HSW generation was not solely dependent on socioeconomic status or purchasing habits. Rather, it was a universal issue regardless of one’s economic background. This finding emphasises the need for a more nuanced understanding of HSW generation, one that considers not just financial factors but also cultural and behavioural factors influencing the production and disposal of the waste. An extract below reflects this result.
…the quantity of waste generated depends on the needs and wishes of an individual, coupled with the ability to buy household items in bulk or bits. But all that really matters are the methods to properly take care of the generated waste so that members of society do not suffer from it (Participant 4, woman, 68-year-old, Ilare Quarters).
A core sociological implication of these findings is that entrenched cultural norms normalize waste generation as an inevitable, uncontrollable aspect of human existence. These norms foster a collective fatalism that undermines individual agency and responsibility for environmental sustainability. This manifests as a socially constructed “waste inevitability mindset,” where consumption-driven behaviours—rooted in insatiable desires, status symbolism through packaging, and communal values prioritizing immediate gratification over long-term ecological health—override waste reduction efforts across socioeconomic strata.
Cultural elements in waste-to-cash/wealth practice
The study data showed the existence of a waste-to-cash economy in the study area, where Yoruba residents sold items that were no longer needed, such as glass bottles, rubber slippers, metal materials, and culturally significant clothing including Sanyan, Aso-Oke or Aso-Ofi, to buyers who found value in them. This practice provided a method for residents to dispose of household waste while also generating a small amount of income. However, this practice did not extend to items made of cellophane materials, such as nylon, as none of the participants reported engaging in the sale of these materials. The extracts below reflect these findings.
Instead of throwing my grandchildren’s used papers away or burning them, I sell the papers to a woman who sells snacks in our neighbourhood. I have also sold old-time clothing such as Ofi. This practice helps me dispose of the papers as waste and still earns me money. However, nobody has bought nylon and a sachet of water cellophane from me (Participant 4, woman, 68-year-old, Ilare Quarters).
According to the study data, the patronage of buyers who purchase HSW had declined in the study location due to social stigma associated with waste collection and recycling. This shift in attitude toward waste-based professions could have implications for waste management strategies and initiatives. This finding stresses the importance of considering social perceptions and attitudes toward waste collection and recycling, and suggests the need for awareness campaigns that promote the value and dignity of these professions. The extracts below reflect these findings.
I observed that most of the buyers that used to patronise our community were old people; young people are not interested in that kind of profession. It is degrading to them (Participant 26, woman, 77-year-old, Moore Quarters).
One of the primary sociological implications of this finding is that cultural stigma transforms a traditional Yoruba waste-to-cash economy from a sustainable resource recovery system into a declining practice. This outcome perpetuates HSW accumulation by devaluing recycling as low-status labor. This situation reflects a social stigmatization of waste work, where communal norms prioritize prestige and purity over economic and environmental utility, undermining informal circular economies in culturally rich, low-resource settings.
Cultural elements in waste-to-energy practice
In Ile-Ife, the practice of waste-to-energy was found to be adopted by residents in the form of using combustible household waste for cooking. This practice is considered a conventional method of cooking within Yorubaland. Participants reported perceived environmental and economic benefits of this practice, including reducing the quantity of waste in the environment and reducing cooking costs. However, the study found that the burning of waste for cooking also produces acrid smoke and air pollution, presenting a significant challenge to this method of waste management. Despite its widespread use in the past, the study found that in the contemporary era, there is now a cultural stigma attached to this method of waste-to-energy. Participants reported that using combustible household waste for cooking is now viewed as a symbol of poverty. This view indicates that social attitudes have shifted toward more modern methods of waste management and cooking. The above findings reflect the extracts below.
….the current incessant increase in the cost of kerosene and cooking gas has prompted me to cook with firewood coupled with waste plastic materials, papers, nylon, and any other HSW that is combustible. But the rich people use gas cooking (Participant 27, woman, 75-year-old, Iremo Quarters).
The researcher asked the participant about the likely challenges inherent in converting HSW to a source of energy, the response was.
Well, one of the major challenges in using the waste to cook is embedded in cooking with the firewood, and this is the acrid smoke and pollution that the flame produces (Participant 30, woman, 66-year-old, Ilare Quarters).
A main sociological implication of these findings is that cultural modernization in Yorubaland stigmatizes traditional waste-to-energy practices as poverty markers, creating a status-driven shift from adaptive, resource-scarce sustainability to aspirational “modern” methods that risk environmental health. This reflects a social inversion of cultural norms, where once-neutral practices like burning combustible waste for cooking, rooted in communal thrift and environmental reduction, now symbolize backwardness amid urbanization and consumerism, perpetuating air pollution cycles.
Cultural elements in HWS segregation/sorting
According to the study data, while Yoruba culture was found to have no significant negative impact on HSW sorting or segregation in the study location, these practices were not common among the participants. Only those who engaged in using combustible household waste for cooking, a conventional practice, reported sorting or separating waste. The data showed that the low participation in waste sorting and segregation was an attribute of individual attitudes and behaviours rather than cultural influences. However, it is worth noting that the study did not investigate the management of biodegradable household waste, which might reveal different patterns of sorting and segregation. The above findings reflect the extracts below.
I do not separate the solid waste because I see waste as waste. There is no Yoruba norms concerning that. I dump the waste at the dumpsite for burning. (Participant 28, woman, 60-year-old, Moore Quarters).
Another participant added:
I separate the combustible waste from the non-combustible ones, so that I could make fire for cooking with the combustible waste. If not for that, waste is waste, I see no reason for sorting of separating the waste (Participant 33, woman, 66-year-old, Ilare Quarters).
A sociological implication of these findings is that HSW sorting and segregation in the study location reflect individualized attitudes and behaviours rather than cultural determinism. This implication reveals a decoupling of traditional norms from modern environmental practices that sustains low participation despite cultural neutrality.
Cultural elements in HSW reusing
The study found that the reuse of certain household materials, including, polythene bags, nylon, plastic bottles, textbooks, and clothing, was common among participants. While this practice could be viewed as an environmentally-friendly form of waste management, the study also revealed a negative association between reuse and poverty. Participants expressed the belief that individuals engaged in reuse practices due to financial constraints, and this created a stigma toward users of reused goods. This perception indicated the influence of socioeconomic factors and perceptions of social status on the cultural value of reuse practices. The study also found that reusing clothing was common among participants, often occurring within families where clothing items were handed down from older to younger members. While this practice was influenced by cultural and practical considerations, the study established that religious beliefs also played a role. Participants reported that it was considered taboo to give used clothing to non-family members due to concerns about potential misuse or diabolical practices. This finding pinpointed the role of spirituality and religion in shaping cultural attitudes toward reuse and waste management practices. The above findings reflect the extracts below.
I keep the good polythene bags used for packing the goods I bought in the market so that I could use them other purpose. I also do this for beverages plastic bottles so that I could use them to store water in my refrigerators. The textbooks and clothes, in a good condition, that the elder ones among children have used, I keep them for their younger ones. This practice is normal and reduces cost (Participant 29, woman, 60-year-old, Ilode Quarters).
…my observation is that people view doing that as a symbol of poverty, especially if they know one is not the first user of the material. Nicknames such as my-brother-dashes-me are given to such materials. The idea is if you are rich enough to buy new things, you will not reuse the waste (Participant 32, woman, 75-year-old, Moore Quarters).
A main sociological implication of these findings is that reuse practices in Yoruba culture embody a dual tension between pragmatic sustainability and stigmatized poverty. Religious taboos that confine eco-friendly behaviours to familial boundaries also compounded this issue. This situation engenders a selective, privatized circular economy where environmental benefits are undermined by status symbolism and spiritual fears, limiting scalable waste reduction.
Cultural elements in exchange of the waste for new household items
The study found that the conventional practice of trade by barter subtly manifests itself in getting rid of some kinds of HSW in Ile-Ife. The data indicated that there exists a practice popularly known as paaro, where people exchange some kinds of the waste, for instance, used metal pots, for new household items, such as plastic bowls. This practice also extends to some kinds of clothes, such as Aso-oke, also known as Aso-ofi. However, according to the study data, the popularity of paaro as a waste disposal practice has waned as modernity has influenced the kind of clothes that buyers want. A study participant expressed that the kind of Aso-ofi that the buyers desire is manually woven and thicker than the available kind, which is made with machines and is not as thick as the old kind. Therefore, the buyers of the clothes have stopped patronising their community. The following excerpt synthesizes this key finding.
Some kinds of HSW are exchanged for new items, for instance, old Aso-ofi and kijipa for new plastic bowls or money. But the buyers have stopped coming because we do not have these kinds of clothes anymore. Things, including the quality of the cloth, have changed in the contemporary era. I need to let you (referring to the researcher) know that I still have Aso-ofi, but it is not the type that these buyers want, as the new type made with machines, as I was told, is not as thick as the old type, which was manually made (Participant 10, woman, 80-year-old, Moore Quarters).
Another participant added that:
Some people come to our community to buy metal materials such as leaking pots and old iron pails, among others. Sometimes, these buyers give us plastic bowls instead of money, and I’m okay with that (Participant 4, woman, 68-year-old, Ilare Quarters).
An implication of these findings is that modernity erodes traditional Yoruba barter practices like paaro. This situation transforms a culturally embedded waste exchange system into a relic, which disrupts informal circular economies and heightens HSW accumulation in Ile-Ife. In other words, Paaro exemplifies pre-modern Yoruba social capital through trade-by-barter of waste items (e.g., used metal pots for plastic bowls, Aso-oke clothing). This practice engenders resource circulation; its waning reflects commodification under capitalism. Moreover, buyers reject machine-woven Aso-ofi for lacking authenticity and thickness of manual weaves, signaling a shift from communal value to consumerist preferences for “new” goods, fragmenting kinship-based exchange networks. This loss undermines adaptive waste diversion rooted in Yoruba thrift norms. The loss also amplifies reliance on landfills amid urbanization, and pinpoints tensions between tradition and global market influences in Global South contexts.
Cultural elements in waste-gifting practice
In addition to reuse and waste management practices, a finding of the study showed that the gifting of used household items, known as “waste gifting,” was also common in the study location. This practice is deeply ingrained in Yoruba culture, where gifting is considered a significant expression of cultural values. Participants reported various benefits associated with waste gifting, including the promotion of reuse and waste reduction, aid to recipients, enhancement of the giver’s social status, and fostering of cordial relationships between giver and recipient. This practice expresses the complex interplay between culture, social relations, and environmental stewardship in Yoruba society, emphasizing the importance of considering cultural practices in encouraging proper handling of the waste. The extract below reflects these findings.
I believe that donating items that I no longer need to those who could benefit from them is a commendable practice, as it reduces the amount of waste generated and provides assistance to those in need. From a spiritual perspective, I am confident that God would be pleased to see individuals engaging in such compassionate acts, as it reflects a sense of stewardship and concern for others. (Participant 31, woman, 69-year-old, Christianity, Ilode Quarters).
Despite its cultural and social significance, the study found that several factors negatively affected the acceptance of waste gifting as a waste disposal practice. These factors included concerns about social status, the perceived quality of the gift, personal beliefs about used items, and peer or class influences. For example, three participants rejected the idea of receiving certain gifts due to worries about being mocked, the condition of the gift, or the status of the giver. This finding pinpoints the complexity of waste gifting practices, emphasizing the importance of understanding the social and cultural factors that influence the acceptance of this practice. By identifying the barriers to its acceptance, waste management strategies can be better tailored to account for these factors, potentially increasing the effectiveness of waste reduction efforts in Yoruba society. The extract below depicts these findings.
The practice of giving other people used items is good as it promotes a cordial relationship between the giver and recipient. For instance, a rational human being will not give anything (whether used or not) to his enemy. In the same vein, no rational person will receive anything from his enemy except that they wish bad things for each other. However, I might reject this kind of gift, e.g., a cloth or chair, among others, as a result of stigmatisation or mockery from the people, in particular my friends, who might eventually know the initial user of the item (Participant 15, woman, 65-year-old, Ilode Quarters).
The researcher asked whether the participant had given or received a gift of this form.
Of course, I have given and received gifts of this form, but only from close relatives who are trustworthy. One must be very careful… (Participant 15, woman, 65-year-old, Ilode Quarters).
In the same vein, the study found that traditional religious beliefs as an aspect of culture have positive roles in the receptiveness of the idea of HSW gifting as waste disposal practice. For instance, the study data indicated that the three major religions in the study location promote gifting, which might include this kind of waste among their adherents. A Yoruba saying that “oke l’owo afunni ngbe,” which literally means “the giver has the upper hand” coupled with the idea that “givers never lack,” subtly supports this practice. However, another barrier to wide acceptance of this practice that the data highlighted was the belief that people with bad ulterior motives could use gifting in a diabolical way to spiritually attack or harm the giver or the recipients. The excerpt that follows provides a crystallized summary of this finding to emphasize this critical point uncovered in the study.
One of the problems I see in this practice is that people also use gift to harm other, especially in a diabolical form. I personally have not experienced it but I have heard the situation where the source of some people’s problems is the gift they gave or received as the world has turned to a bad thing (Participant 16, woman, 77-year-old, Ilare Quarters).
When the researcher asked how the participant got this information.
I heard this case through confessions of the individual perpetrator (Participant 16, woman, 77-year-old, Ilare Quarters).
Also, the study found that the belief that waste-gifting symbolised poverty in the life of the recipient constituted another factor that affected the popular acceptance of waste-gifting as a waste disposal practice in the study location. According to the study data, several participants’ economic perspectives indicated that no affluent person would desire to be a recipient of such a kind of gift, and this practice revealed the economic class to which the respective giver and recipient belonged. An excerpt synthesizes this key finding.
I cannot collect any used household items from anyone. I think Edumare (another Yoruba name for the Supreme Being) has elevated me more than that, and my levels have passed that stage. Besides, I do not pray to be a recipient of such a gift; I shall always be the giver. I see the practice as a symbol of poverty on the part of the receiver (Participant 1, man, 71-year-old, Iremo Quarters).
According to the study data, waste-gifting was limited to some specific kinds of HSW, such as clothes, chairs, electric appliances, cars, mobile phones, cooking utensils, and, on some occasions, papers. The practice excluded used plastic bottles, nylon for household item packaging, and any other threadbare household items. This finding resulted from the moral, economic, and social values the study residents attached to the practice as presented in the extract below.
The condition of the used item, such as clothes to be given out, is one of the factors that influence this practice, especially if the item has become threadbare. This condition is applicable to used items such as used cars, chairs, and electronic gadgets, among others, because of the social values attached to these items (Participant 15, man, 61-year-old, Ilode Quarters).
A implication of these findings is that Yoruba waste gifting embodies a culturally valorized reciprocity and communalism that promote environmental stewardship through social bonding. Yet, the practice is curtailed by intersecting stigmas of poverty, diabolism, and status, confining sustainability to selective, kin-limited exchanges.
Cultural elements and landfilling
The current study found that the Yoruba residents’ traditional belief that all creatures, living or non-living, will turn to dust also lends credence to adopting this practice in the study location. However, one of the challenges that the current study identified with this practice was that the residents had to wait for the opportunity to get suitable places, such as an abandoned well, filled up for this practice to exist.
As a result, in a situation where such an opportunity is not available, the residents have to seek other methods to dispose of their HSW. Furthermore, according to one of the participants, who is also a bricklayer, another major drawback inherited from adopting landfilling practices is a reduction in the quality of the site filled with HSW for building construction. Therefore, the data indicated that landfilling is not a common practice to dispose of HSW in Ile-Ife. These findings are reflected in the extracts below.
There was a time we had an abandoned well because a goat died in it; therefore, the water was contaminated. The abandoned well was close to the house where my family members lived then. The whole neighbourhood just turned the well into a dumpsite. And it was eventually filled up with our household waste. I believe that this method is one of the best ways to dispose of our waste because the waste will decompose (Participant 15, man, 65-year-old, Ilode Quarters).
The participant further added that.
Whenever the opportunity to fill up a place with HSW comes, we make use of it, even though this opportunity is not common, in particular, in my neighbourhood here (Participant 15, man, 65-year-old, Ilode Quarters).
An implication of these findings is that a Yoruba traditional view, which equates all matter, living or non-living, to eventual dust echoes animistic Yoruba ontology where decay is divinely ordained. Moreover, the Yoruba cosmological beliefs in universal decay culturally legitimize landfilling as a passive, fate-driven disposal method. Yet practical constraints reveal a tension between spiritual fatalism and modern infrastructural deficits. These constraints limit its adoption and perpetuating ad-hoc waste practices.
Cultural elements in dumpsites usage
The study data corroborated that ritual is an integral part of the culture. Ritual emanates in various ceremonies such as naming, birthdays, funerals, and various activities that involve invoking or appeasing the cults or deities of the land and approaches to healing or disease treatments. A study finding was that HSW needed to be generated to form a dumpsite suitable to carry out some specific kinds of rituals to maintain a cordial relationship with some specific spiritual beings whose abode are dumpsites.
An Ifa deity priest, who was a study participant, expressed that there were different locations for different types of ritual. Some rituals required that they be performed on a dumpsite or using the soil from the dumpsite to prepare them. The participant cited placing some open sacrifices for ritual money and challenges such as incessant chronic headaches and barrenness, among others, on the dumpsites as an instance. Hence, this cultural practice requires designating a place as a dumpsite, and this translates to the need to generate waste, besides the reality that waste is inevitable, so as to keep aatan in existence. The extract below reflects this finding.
…aatan (dumpsite) is useful for different purposes. After making some specific types of sacrifices for issues such as yiya-agan (barrenness), efori-tuulu (incessant headache), long-term sickness, and sometimes for ritual money, the deities require placing them on the dumpsites for acceptance and efficacy of the sacrifices (Participant 14, man, 73-year-old, African Traditional Practitioner, Ilare Quarters).
Moreover, the majority (18) of the participants attested to claim that dumpsite use is in line with the dictates of Yoruba culture, and this assertion is corroborated by the Yoruba saying that “bi a ba gba ile ti a gba eede, aatan laa dari re si” which literally means “after sweeping the nooks and crannies of the house, the rubbish is dumped at the dumpsite.” The adage also emphasises the significance of the dumpsite as the final destination for all forms of waste. This finding indicated that using the dumpsite for waste disposal is a conventional practice that is imbedded in Yoruba culture. The study established that people resorted to dumping their HSW into the nearby bushes in situations where they could not find any nearby designated dumpsite. This finding is contrary to the Yoruba norm that manifests in the saying “A kii binu aatan ki a da ile si igbe” which literally means “being angry with the dumpsite should not warrant dumping waste in the bush.” This adage literally means that the suitable place to dump refuse is at the dumpsite, not in the bush, and that an appropriate method should be used in spite of the existing condition.
One of the sociological implications of this finding is that Yoruba rituals sacralize dumpsites as spiritual abodes. This result fuses collective effervescence with environmental degradation, where refuse generation maintains ties to deities. This result culturally necessitates HSW generation and open dumping to sustain cosmic harmony, embedding waste accumulation as a religious imperative rather than mere byproduct.
Cultural element in incineration usage
The study found that people adopted burning as a result of the belief that this practice is one of the traditional ways to aid in adding nutrients to the soil. This farming was one of the traditional occupations the study location residents tended to lend credence to, as one of the study participants attested to the benefits accrued from this practice. Also, according to the study data, the participants also viewed burning as one of the fastest ways to get rid of their HSW without littering their surroundings. The extracts below reflect these findings.
I prefer using the dumpsite and burning the waste there, as this process, to me, adds nutrients to the soil. I observe that plants on the soil that has been used as the dumpsite yield bumper harvests (Participant 16, woman, 77-year-old, Ilare Quarters).
Another participant added that:
Except for some household waste that is not combustible, I prefer burning my household refuse because this method is one of the quickest ways to get rid of the waste. There is no need to wait for a long period of time for the decomposition of the waste (Participant 4, woman, 68-year-old, Ilare Quarters).
The practice of burning HSW was conventional in Ile-Ife as a way to obtain the ashes that could be useful for many things. The study data identified several uses of the ashes among the conventional practices in Ile-Ife, and these included washing, soup making, and pest repelling. Therefore, until the contemporary period, burning as a practice for HSW disposal has been long-standing. The extract below reflects this finding.
Yoruba people use the ashes for a lot of things. The uses include washing, soap making, and pest repelling, among others, and burning the waste is one of the ways to get the ashes (Participant 10, woman, 80-year-old, Moore Quarters).
HSW burning as a multifunctional cultural technology that embeds environmental adaptation within everyday resourcefulness and agricultural cosmology, which sustains its persistence despite modern health risks constitutes one of the implications of these findings.
Participants’ emic perspectives and employing the services of waste collectors
The study found that residents in the study location utilised the services of waste collectors as one of the strategies for disposing of their HSW, signaling the presence of waste collection systems and a potential avenue for enhancing waste management practices. This finding further reflected the aspect of Yoruba custom and traditions that forbid indiscriminate dumping of solid waste. The study established the availability of a truck for waste collection, popularly called O-ti-sese, in the study location. The truck always comes to pack their waste every month at the rate of 1,000 Naira monthly. According to the study data, the Ile-Ife residents who employed the service of the waste collector enjoyed the service, as they accepted that the service helped to overcome the challenge of a lack of an appropriate dumpsite to dispose of their waste. This finding is reflected in the extracts below.
A truck of the waste collectors, popularly called O-ti-see-se in our community, comes to pack our waste once a month at the token of 1,000 Naira per month. We enjoy the service as it helps us overcome the issue of a lack of an appropriate dumpsite to dispose of our household waste (Participant 11, woman, 65-year-old, Ilode Quarters).
The study, however, found that people’s economic conditions and beliefs was a barrier to the adoption of the waste collector’s service. The study data indicated that several low-income earners opined that they could not buy items with money and still dispose of the waste of those items with money. In the same vein, a study participant opined that employing the service of waste collectors was only applicable to shop owners, market women, and houses whose owners failed to make a provision for a place to dump their HSW. These findings reflect in the extracts below.
I cannot buy items with money and still get rid of their waste with money. Where is that money, self? The current Nigerian economy does not make that practice sustainable for me (Participant 16, woman, 77-year-old, Ilare Quarters).
One of the main sociological implications of these findings is that Yoruba cultural prohibitions against indiscriminate dumping foster reliance on formal waste collection services like O-ti-sese, yet class-based economic barriers entrench inequality in access, reproducing stratified environmental citizenship in Ile-Ife.
Nature’s role and HSW disposal practice
The study found that the traditional belief in the efficacy of nature, such as the rain, to carry away HSW was one of the reasons people practiced disposing of the waste in drainages and rivers in the study location. According to the study data, this belief was popular in locations that were close to rivers and where there were properly constructed drainages. Some residents of these locations saw the rivers and good drainages as good places to dump their HSW. Furthermore, the beliefs that all creatures are part of nature and in the ability of nature to take care of itself, as everything will decay, contributed to the adoption of this practice in the study location. An excerpt presented below synthesizes this key finding.
The rainy season has helped a lot in the disposal of my HSW. When it rains, the packed waste is thrown into the flood for it to carry away. Also, I believe that everything will go back to the land, as everything originates from the land; it is just a matter of time. (Participant 1, man, 72-year-old, African Traditional Practitioner, Iremo Quarters).
An implication of these findings is that the Yoruba cosmological beliefs in nature’s self-regulating capacity foster passive environmentalism, legitimizing drainage and river dumping as harmonious with divine order. These beliefs perpetuate pollution through fatalistic deferral to natural processes.
Yoruba cultural belief and HSW management
In Yoruba mythological account of the creation of the earth, as a participant who was a 73-year-old, African Traditional Practitioner narrated, the Supreme Being, known as Olodumare was the creator and put man in there to take care of it. The study found that among the beliefs of the participants was the idea that failure to keep the earth’s surface neat, for instance via indiscriminate disposal of HSW, translates to incurring Olodumare’s anger, which could result in the outbreak of diseases from the Supreme Being. This belief symbolises a Yoruba cultural element that enhances pro-environmental behaviour. Moreover, according to the participants, the belief that Olodumare is holy, always neat, and only abides in a neat place. Therefore, Olodumare could not be found in a dirty environment. His absence incurs the presence of the jinxes and evil spirits that are responsible for various forms of disease and illness in such an environment. Among the implications of this finding are theological environmentalism, symbolic purity and spiritual ecology. In other words, this Yoruba cosmology instills a moral imperative for environmental cleanliness through divine accountability to Olodumare, positioning neatness as a sacred covenant that deters indiscriminate HSW disposal and promotes pro-environmental stewardship via fear of supernatural retribution.
Discussion of findings
This study adds to Schatzki (1996) Cultural Practice Theory by showing how specific cultural habits around household waste management among the Yoruba both support and expand the theory’s main ideas. The theory explains that cultural practices are patterns of actions and words that reflect shared understandings, rules, and goals that guide how people behave together. In this study, activities such as waste gifting and waste exchange clearly demonstrated these shared and organised behaviours. These findings pinpointed how cultural values influenced the way the participants interacted with HSW and with each other. For instance, waste gifting showed regular patterns of giving and receiving that involve shared meanings and emotions, which Schatzki (1996) pointed out as key to cultural practices.
The study findings also broadened the theory by pinpointing how spiritual and cultural beliefs, such as those around burning waste to improve soil fertility or using ashes for religious purposes, played a significant role in shaping these behaviours. These beliefs connected the way the participants think about nature with their cultural values. These findings further mean the ways the participants handled waste are part of a larger view of the world that goes beyond just practical reasons. By exploring these unique local customs, this study challenges the more general ideas in cultural practice theory. This helps make the theory stronger by adding a clearer understanding of how culture influences environmental actions and waste management.
Existing studies on reductions in the quantity of solid waste that households generate as a practice for waste management abound (Darmey et al., 2023; Gebrekidan et al., 2024; Yeboah et al., 2025). The studies have reported the unpopular adoption of this practice among people. One of the reasons for the poor adoption that the current study found was people’s popular belief that HSW reduction is impracticable. The study further identified several reasons for this belief. These reasons included an incessant increase in human wants, the insatiability of human needs, having no option but to buy the available items, whether they were packaged with materials that could easily decompose or not, the consideration of the enjoyment derived from the items and the good feelings, as well as the self-esteem derived from the kind of packaging given to the purchased items.
There is a convergence of findings between the current study, Raju et al. (2025) and Darmey et al. (2023), as these studies established that people’s belief in their inability to tame the waste quantity is responsible for their lack of sense of commitment to achieving the idea of zero waste or waste reduction. The current study further added that this belief was also predicated on the explanation that waste generation is not an intentional or deliberate practice but a product of other actions. Reports have established that the top-bottom idea creates in people a kind of mindset that always expects to get all their needs met by the government (Abimbola et al., 2016; Ajani and Fakunle, 2021a; Okunola and Fakunle, 2021). In line with these reports, the current study established that this idea was also imbibed HSW generation, based on the belief that the government is in the best position to make policies that would influence waste reduction.
On various practices people adopt to take care of their HSW, studies have confirmed the widespread acceptance of waste disposal among people (Zhechen et al., 2024; Melese et al., 2025). The current study has identified various waste disposal practices. These included the exchange of waste for new items, waste-gifting, waste-to-cash, waste-to-energy, landfilling, using the dumpsite, and employing the services of waste collectors. Waste exchange, a subtle form of the conventional practice of bartering, is among the customs of residents of Ile-Ife. This practice refers to giving out some kinds of HSW to receive new household items. While Fakunle et al. (2022) focused only on plastic bottles, the current study found that this practice also extends to household metallic items, rubber footwear, and some kinds of clothes, such as aso-oke, also known as aso-ofi. However, the current study found that the popularity of waste exchange as a waste disposal practice has waned as a result of modernity.
Gifting is significant to Yoruba cultural values and is therefore deeply rooted in their customs and traditions (Ajani and Fakunle, 2021c). This practice has been incorporated into HSW management. Therefore, waste gifting is the practice of giving the used household materials that an individual giver considers waste to other people who consider the used material useful in one form or another. Fakunle et al. (2022), Dharmendra et al. (2025), and the current study have identified several benefits of waste exchange, such as contributing to the practice of reusing, waste reduction, being a source of aid to the recipients of the gift, contributing to building and strengthening the influence of the giver, and enhancing cordial relationships between the giver and recipient.
The reports of Fakunle et al. (2022) and the current study are in tune with each other in pinpointing several challenges inherent in waste-gifting as a waste disposal practice. These challenges included the perception of being subjected to mockery, the social status of the individual giver and recipient, the condition and extent of the gift being threadbare, and how fashionable and expensive the used household material is. Others were the social values attached to the gift; the nature of the used items; the personal beliefs and perceptions of an individual (the giver or the recipient) about the used item; the influence of a peer group or class of people; and religion.
Waste-to-cash was another waste disposal practice for sustainable development that studies have identified (Eneh, 2025; Fakunle, 2025b; Mngomezulu et al., 2024). This is the practice of presenting HSW as resources or raw materials that could be made available to the buyers or manufacturers that need them. Also, these studies have established that waste-to-cash has provided an opportunity for people to dispose of some of their HSW and simultaneously earn money. The finding of the current study that the waste-to-cash practice was not applicable to cellophane materials such as nylon is in tandem with Fakunle et al. (2022). However, the current study reported that the patronage of the buyers of this HSW in Ile-Ife has reduced.
Studies abound on the practice of waste-to-energy (Chen et al., 2025; Darmey et al., 2023; Eneh, 2025; Mintz et al., 2019). While the focus of a number of these extant studies was on technological and engineering concerns, the uniqueness of the current study manifested itself in investigating the incorporation of waste-to-energy in the customs of Yoruba people. The study found that this practice mainly occurred in the form of using combustible HSW as a source of energy for cooking. This form of waste-to-energy cooking is among the conventional methods of cooking in Yorubaland. This finding is in tandem with Akther et al. (2024) in Asia and other African Nations. However, one major challenge that the current study found in this form of waste-to-energy is the acrid smoke that the flame of fire produces in the course of burning.
Studies have identified landfilling as one of the HSW disposal practices (Amritha and Anilkumar, 2016; Ibrahim, 2025). The current study established that landfilling, as one of the practices that people adopt to get rid of their HSW, was widely accepted in Ile-Ife based on people’s belief that all creatures, living or non-living, were bound to turn to dust. However, the challenge inherent in this practice that the current study identified, that the residents had to wait for the opportunity to get suitable places, is in tandem with the reports of Amritha and Anilkumar (2016).
On employing the services of waste collectors as a waste disposal practice, the current study’s finding reflected the aspect of Yoruba custom and traditions that forbid indiscriminate dumping of solid waste. This study also corroborated the existing studies (Fakunle, 2024; Mashi et al., 2025; Siwawa, 2025) that have established the roles of waste collectors in helping people overcome the challenge of a lack of an appropriate dumpsite to dispose of their waste. Apio et al. (2024) in Uganda, however, reported that people’s economic conditions and beliefs could be barriers to the adoption of the waste collector’s service, and this finding is in tandem with the current study. A misconception among people that the current study identified in connection with employing the service of the waste collectors was that it was only useful and applicable to shop owners, market women, and houses whose owners failed to make a provision for a place to dump their HSW.
Burning is another practice that existing studies have identified that people adopt to get rid of their HSW (Vele et al., 2025). Based on people’s beliefs about this practice, the current study found that people adopted burning as one of the ways to aid in adding nutrients to the soil. Moreover, the study established that people also viewed burning as one of the fastest and easiest ways to get rid of their HSW with minimum cost without littering their surroundings. Moreover, the current study established that the practice of burning HSW was conventional in Ile-Ife as a way to obtain the ashes that could be useful for many things, such as washing, soup making, and pest repelling. These findings aligned with a WaterAid (2009) report that the beliefs of people influenced their activities in ensuring that their environment is clandestine.
Studies have established a link between indiscriminate disposal of HSW and the proliferation of diseases (Mngomezulu et al., 2024; Siwawa, 2025). The current study examined this reality from Yoruba cultural binoculars and found the belief that indiscriminate disposal of HSW translates to incurring the Supreme Being’s anger, which could result in the outbreak of diseases from the Supreme Being. This belief symbolises a Yoruba cultural element that enhances pro-environmental behaviour. Moreover, the study data indicated the belief that the Supreme Being is holy, always neat, only abides in a neat place, and cannot be found in a dirty environment. Therefore, his absence incurs the presence of the jinxes and evil spirits that are responsible for various forms of disease and illness in such an environment.
Religion is one of the significant aspects of culture (Fakunle, 2025a; Muoghalu and Fakunle, 2021; Fakunle and Opadere, 2023). The findings of the current study on the influence of religion on HSW disposal established that no religious belief in Ile-Ife supported indiscriminate disposal of waste; instead, the main three religions (Christianity, Islam, and indigenous traditional religion) in the city advocated pro-environmental behaviour. Therefore, indiscriminate disposal of HSW has no place in Yoruba culture. However, the current study established that the perpetrators of the indiscriminate disposal of the waste in Ile-Ife continue to do so as a result of the lack of any constituted authorities to challenge them. This finding is consistent with Fakunle et al. (2022) that religion represents a mechanism to exert social control in society.
The identified cultural elements and their negative roles in environmental sustainability
From the findings of the current study, several negative roles of common cultural practices in the study location can be deduced. These roles range from the popular belief that the quantity of waste generated is untamable, to the practice of indiscriminate disposal by some residents, poor participation in waste-to-cash initiatives, and heavy reliance on burning as a waste-to-energy method despite its environmental impacts. Moreover, other practices include poor participation in waste sorting and segregation, negative attitudes toward waste reuse, poor engagement in waste exchange, beliefs about diabolical practices associated with waste gifting that discourage its wide acceptance, and inadequate knowledge of appropriate landfilling techniques. In addition, using dumpsites aligns with local cultural norms; however, the negative environmental impacts of dumpsites, coupled with the belief that everything will eventually decay, exacerbate the drawbacks of this waste management approach. All these negative roles align with Mintz et al. (2019) on the influence of culture on environmental sustainability. Also, these implications align with Yeboah et al. (2025) who established that cultural space plays significant roles in destruction of ecosystem. Therefore, these cultural practices should be among the key concerns in efforts to promote environmental sustainability.
Conclusion
The study concluded that Yoruba cultural elements such as values, beliefs, norms, and customs concurrently negatively and positively influence several practices to manage HSW. These practices ranged from the exchange of waste for a new household item, a system that resembled the conventional trade-by-barter system, waste gifting, waste to cash, and waste to energy. Other practices included burning, landfilling, using (informally) designated dumps. The study confirmed the role of culture in the adoption of these disposal practices among Yoruba residents of the study location. This confirmation manifested in the practice of reciprocity, gathering materials to build spirits’ abodes, the belief that nature will take care of the waste as one of its components, the belief that burning enhances soil fertility, the custom of using the ashes from the burning, and the belief in the role of social norms and economic status. However, the study findings imply several negative cultural influences on HSW management. These include beliefs in untamable waste quantities, indiscriminate disposal, low participation in waste-to-cash and sorting initiatives, negative views on reuse and exchange, diabolical fears around gifting, poor landfilling knowledge, and dumpsite reliance tied to decay fatalism despite environmental harms.
Significant academic value of the study
This study holds significant academic value, as it provides empirical evidence on how cultural elements deeply influence household solid waste management practices within a specific Nigerian context. By identifying and analysing various cultural norms, beliefs, values, and customs that affect waste disposal methods, the research enriches understanding of the interplay between culture and environmental behaviour. The findings pinpoint both positive and negative cultural impacts as the findings showcase practices like waste exchange, waste-to-wealth initiatives, and traditional disposal methods rooted in Yoruba cosmology and social norms. Academically, the study fills a critical gap by moving beyond generic waste management models to emphasise culturally specific factors, demonstrating the necessity of culture- informed strategies for sustainable waste management. The study also contributes to environmental sociology and cultural studies by illustrating how local beliefs and customs shape resource use and environmental care. This work can inform policymakers and practitioners seeking to design more effective community-based waste interventions that respect and incorporate indigenous cultural knowledge and practices.
Data availability statement
The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/Supplementary material, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author/s.
Ethics statement
The studies involving humans were approved by the Ethical Committee of the Sociology and Social Work Department at Redeemer’s University. The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study. Written informed consent was obtained from the individual(s) for the publication of any potentially identifiable images or data included in this article.
Author contributions
SF: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. AA: Methodology, Supervision, Writing – review & editing.
Funding
The author(s) declared that financial support was not received for this work and/or its publication.
Acknowledgments
The author appreciates the participants of the current study.
Conflict of interest
The author(s) declared that this work was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
Generative AI statement
The author(s) declared that Generative AI was not used in the creation of this manuscript.
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Supplementary material
The Supplementary material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/frsus.2026.1718290/full#supplementary-material
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Keywords: cultural elements, cultural practices, household solid waste, waste gifting, waste management
Citation: Fakunle SO and Ajani AO (2026) Culture and waste: a socio-cultural study of household solid waste management practices. Front. Sustain. 7:1718290. doi: 10.3389/frsus.2026.1718290
Edited by:
Souad El Hajjaji, Mohammed V University, MoroccoReviewed by:
Kazim Onur Demirarslan, Artvin Coruh University, TürkiyeThomas Akintayo, University of Eastern Finland, Finland
Copyright © 2026 Fakunle and Ajani. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.
*Correspondence: Sunday Olutayo Fakunle, ZmFrdW5sZXNAcnVuLmVkdS5uZw==
†ORCID: Sunday Olutayo Fakunle, orcid.org/0000-0002-0053-0082
Albert Oludele Ajani, orcid.org/0000-0001-9392-5587