Food mapping approaches for understanding food system transformations in rapid-growth city regions in the Global South

Abstract

The world’s food systems are rapidly changing due to socioeconomic, environmental, and demographic changes, globalization, and urbanization. Urban regions connect urban food consumption with rural food production and are associated with rapid dietary transitions in developing counties. Despite urbanization being a key driver of city-regional and global food system transformations, city-regional food systems (particularly in developing countries) are under-researched. Although the importance of dynamic urban and peri-urban food systems has led to new frameworks and approaches for mapping food flows within urban regions, our study highlights both opportunities and limitations to food mapping in high-growth city regions in the Global South. We review existing approaches to food mapping using three contrasting city-regional food systems as case studies, namely, Bahir Dar (Ethiopia), Hanoi (Vietnam), and Cali (Colombia), and identify priorities for future progress. These include temporal dimensions of food access; nutritional outcomes of food flows; economic, cultural, and ethnic factors affecting consumer behavior; and how consumption of healthier foods could be enabled by decision-making throughout food supply chains. In addition, the roles of food loss and waste could also be more specifically considered. We conclude that providing a more comprehensive and nutrition-sensitive understanding of city-regional food systems can guide evidence-based interventions and activities to enable transitions to healthier, equitable, and more sustainable urban food systems.

1. Introduction

Over 3.1 billion people cannot afford a healthy diet, with 691–783 million people suffering from hunger (FAO, IFAD, UNICEF, WFP, and WHO, 2023). Food systems contribute to human health, economic prosperity, and planetary health. Achieving food system transformations toward systems that are more sustainable, healthier, and equitable will require major shifts in mindsets, including the recognition of food as not just a commodity but the foundation of cultures, nutrition, livelihoods, and landscapes (Webb et al., 2020).

Globally, food systems are affected by multiple interacting threats. These include inflation, the cost-of-living crisis, rising energy prices, uneven post-COVID-19 economic recovery, conflicts (e.g., in Ukraine, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Yemen), and climate change. These are compounded by the global inequality impacting supply chains and access to food, with marginalized consumers in low-income countries bearing the brunt of ongoing food, energy, and economic crises (WFP, 2022). The FAO’s Global Report on Food Crises 2022 classified nearly 193 million people as “acutely food insecure,” an increase of nearly 40 million compared to 2020 (FAO and WFP, 2022).

In 2021, more than 56% of the global population resided in urban settlements, with a projected rise to 68% by 2030 (UN, 2018). The UN-Habitat (2022) defines three main classes of human settlements: cities, towns and semi-dense areas, and rural areas. Urban areas are those settlements with at least 5,000 inhabitants, while areas with at least 50,000 inhabitants are considered cities, and those with fewer inhabitants are considered towns and semi-dense areas (UN, 2018). It should be noted that these definitions may or may not correspond with politically demarcated boundaries or the perceptions of the communities that inhabit them.

Food is essential to sustain citizens in new and expanding urban agglomerations, with approximately 70% of the global food supply consumed by urban dwellers (FAO, 2019). Given the close relationship between agricultural production and food supply from hinterlands to urban areas, attempts to understand agri-food systems increasingly focus on “city regions” rather than cities per se. Considering a “city region” rather than a city or urban area allows for the inclusion of megacities, associated smaller towns, and the immediate rural and agricultural hinterlands that surround them. Within this broader definition, small-scale producers and their agricultural value chains can also be considered in relation to the urban centers and markets with whom they are linked (Ruaf, 2015). City-regional food systems typically encompass the production, processing, transport, retail, consumption, and waste disposal of food products within urban/peri-urban areas and their hinterland. In some cases, city-regional food systems are considered useful frameworks for promoting “sustainability” concepts such as the production potential of urban farming, self-sufficiency, and shorter supply chains (Vieira et al., 2018).

Despite the need to transition to more sustainable and resilient city region food systems, there are some limitations in the available frameworks and research methodologies to accurately measure and understand the key components and dynamics of urban food systems (Alarcon et al., 2021). These gaps are especially marked for city regions in low-income countries. For example, Zhong et al. (2021) highlight that the published research on urban food systems mainly focused on developed countries, with the USA and the UK accounting for 34.5% of all studies. In many low- and middle-income countries, a significant proportion of the food consumed in urban areas is derived from informal systems from production through to handling, preparation, and sale (Alarcon et al., 2021). Informal food systems can be associated with food safety risks and present logistical difficulties for accurate data collection for more comprehensive food system assessments (Tian et al., 2018). For more effective decision-making on urban food systems, it is crucial to have an improved and complete understanding of the structure and drivers of urban food systems globally, especially within rapid-growth urban areas in the Global South. In this study, we review the literature to answer three research questions, namely, (1) What evidence can be generated from food mapping? (2) What approaches have been used to map food systems in city region food systems? and (3) What are the major knowledge gaps in relation to food mapping efforts?

1.1. Review of concepts and approaches to food system mapping

Understanding how urban food systems can best be configured to support sustainable diets, health, and livelihoods is complex. It requires the consideration of processes that shape food systems, the relationships among them, and their outcomes and impacts of ongoing or proposed changes (Jensen and Orfila, 2021). Food system mapping represents an approach used to identify all stakeholders, institutions, goods and activities (including losses and waste), food flow levels and rates, along with policy, economic (e.g., value addition, food safety and quality, food diversity, poverty reduction, etc.), and environmental characteristics, to record the “status quo” and “dynamic change” of any food system. Food mapping tends to provide a static depiction of the basic structure and a framework to guide systematic analysis (Kiambi et al., 2018), and a time course-based food mapping can reveal rates of change and dynamics in urban food systems. Time course-based food mapping consists of measuring food system characteristics along successive time points.

Since food is a cross-sectoral, multidisciplinary subject that intersects with a wide range of urban issues, food mapping approaches aim to develop visual representations of geospatial and other sources of data to enable improved decision-making. Food mapping can be participatory, involving stakeholders across the food system (including citizen science and crowdsourcing approaches) to expose hidden disparities, strengths, and weaknesses within the food system (Sweeney et al., 2016). While static geospatially tagged “snapshots” are important, it is also necessary to understand the directional flow of food commodities from a range of dimensions. Ideally, assessments should provide a better understanding of the relative importance of each food flow component. This is important to avoid the risks of oversimplifying a food system or to avoid blind spots as a result of missing, biased, or skewed data sources (Alarcon et al., 2021).

Numerous approaches are currently used to map food systems, including participatory (Alarcon et al., 2017; Ahmed et al., 2019; Jacobi et al., 2019; Terdoo and Feola, 2021), qualitative (Batista et al., 2021), and quantitative methods. Geospatial methods frequently involve the use of geographic information systems (GIS)-based mapping software (McEntee and Agyeman, 2010; Kremer and DeLiberty, 2011; Widener et al., 2011; Jensen and Orfila, 2021), spatial analysis, and visualization including internet-based geospatial tools such as Google Earth, ArcGIS Open Data, and ArcGIS Storymap, and guides such as FAO’s City Region Food System (CRFS) programme (Meenar, 2017; Blay-Palmer et al., 2018; Santini et al., 2018; Posthumus et al., 2021). In addition to static representations, geospatial analytic approaches can also be employed to analyze and communicate geospatial changes over time.

Despite the technological power of geospatial methods, limitations such as the relevance of data points, scale, cost, and feasibility can be encountered. Mapping efforts can be constrained by data availability, particularly in the Global South. Ideally, food flow mapping could be used to identify the flows and quantities of food from production and processing through to preparation, consumption, and waste, to facilitate accurate and comprehensive food system decision-making and planning (Schreiber et al., 2021). Studies aiming to assess food flows differ substantially in terms of scale, scope, and data availability (Karg et al., 2022). In cases where secondary data (e.g., Household Dietary Diversity Scores, Census Data, National Health Surveys) are not readily available—a common occurrence in low-income countries—most food flow analyses, aside from examples such as Drechsel et al. (2007), rely on tracing food to its source through the use of market surveys (Gunasekera, 2012) or ethnographic methods (Wegerif and Wiskerke, 2017).

Some food system assessments consider the city as a focal point, or a “sink” for resources, which underappreciates the city’s multi-functional roles (Karg et al., 2022). There is often a lack of differentiation among people working within food systems, power distribution, socioeconomic environment, and the regulatory bodies and financial services involved (Alarcon et al., 2021). Comprehensive analyses of food systems also require an improved understanding of value generation (including what is meant by value and different stakeholders’ perceptions of value) along the food value chain, including all waste streams and negative environmental externalities associated with the particular food value chain. Hence, food mapping also needs to carefully consider the dynamic sub-systems that manage the by-products and waste disposal through the food system.

This review investigates the current status and state of food mapping to understand food systems in three contrasting rapid-growth city regions in low-income (Bahir Dar, Ethiopia), lower-middle income (Hanoi, Vietnam), and upper-middle income (Cali, Colombia) countries. In the three city regions, we sought to identify what evidence has been generated from food mapping, approaches that have been used to map food systems, and propose possible routes to address existing data and knowledge gaps.

2. Methodology

This study focuses on Bahir Dar in Ethiopia, Hanoi in Vietnam, and Cali in Colombia. These three cities were the subject of focus due to their contrasting food systems (Marshall et al., 2021) and to explore the use of food mapping in different socioeconomic contexts. The John Hopkins and GAIN Alliance Food Systems Dashboard categorizes Bahir Dar as a “rural and transitioning food system” with relatively high stunting rates and nearly no obesity. A large share of dietary energy is derived from cereals, and agriculture provides 71% of employment. In contrast, Hanoi is categorized as an “informal and expanding food system” as it has low stunting rates, a higher share of dietary energy from non-cereals, and is experiencing an increase in obesity and non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Infrastructural developments have facilitated higher rates of electricity access and there is much less agricultural employment (30%). Cali represents a “modernizing and emerging food system” with relatively high obesity rates, a high share of dietary energy from non-cereals, widespread access to electricity, and employment outside of the agricultural sector (Food Systems Dashboard, 2022).

The Google Scholar database was searched for studies relating to the research topic and research questions across all dates to July 2022, initially using combinations of keyword search terms relating to production, processing, daily food basket, distribution, retail, consumers, and food waste. The following query terms were used in a range of combinations, using Boolean operators: [Global South food systems], [Global South nutrition transition], [Global South city region food systems], [food system monitoring], [food system transformation], [food mapping], [food mapping approaches], [food mapping methods], [GIS-based food mapping approaches], [PGIS-based food mapping approaches], [internet based food mapping approaches], [Global South food mapping approaches], [Ethiopia food system], [Vietnam food system], [Colombia food system], [nutrition transition food baskets], [Ethiopian food production], [Vietnamese food production], [Colombian food production], [Ethiopian food producers], [Vietnamese food producers], [Colombian food producers], [Ethiopian food processing], [Vietnamese food processing, [Colombian food processing], [Ethiopian food baskets], [Vietnamese food baskets], [Colombian food baskets], [Ethiopian food retail environments], [Vietnamese food retail environments], [Colombian food retail environments], [Ethiopian food consumption], [Vietnamese food consumption], [Colombian food consumption], [Ethiopian food loss], [Ethiopian food waste], [Vietnam food loss], [Vietnam food waste], [Colombia food loss], [Colombia food waste].

The following keywords were also used to focus the search on the three cities and the surrounding regions of each country: [Food mapping Bahir Dar], [Food mapping Cali], [Food mapping Hanoi], [Urban food consumption], [Urban food consumption Vietnam], [Urban food consumption Colombia], [Urban food production Ethiopia], [Amhara food production], [Urban food production Vietnam], [Urban food production Colombia], [Bahir Dar daily food basket], [Hanoi daily food basket], [Cali daily food basket], [Bogotá daily food basket], [Addis Ababa daily food basket], [Da Nang daily food basket], [Bahir Dar food processing], [Addis Ababa food processing], [Hanoi food processing], [Bahir Dar food retail], [Bahir Dar food markets], [Amhara food distribution], [Hanoi food retail], [Cali food markets], [Cali food distribution].

After compiling a list of the most frequently cited food items in the daily food baskets of the three cities (Table 1) based on previous findings, the search strategy then systematically considered the supply chains of each of the food items, from production through to waste (e.g., “teff production Bahir Dar”) at the city level and then at the national level. The search terms used in combination with each of the food products for Bahir Dar, listed in Table 1, were [production Bahir Dar], [processing Bahir Dar], [retail Bahir Dar], [consumption Bahir Dar], [storage Bahir Dar], [policy environment Bahir Dar], [food waste Bahir Dar]. The search terms used for the listed food products Cali were: [production Cali], [processing Cali], [retail Cali], [consumption Cali], [storage Cali], [policy environment Cali], [food waste Cali]. The search terms used for the food products listed for Hanoi were: [production Hanoi], [processing Hanoi], [retail Hanoi], [consumption Hanoi], [storage Hanoi], [policy environment Hanoi], [food waste Hanoi].

3. Results

A key objective of food mapping is to provide an insight into the different constituent elements, drivers, and outcomes of any given food system. In terms of knowledge generation, different mapping approaches have already been pursued in the three cities under study in this mini-review (summarized and compared in Table 2).

In Bahir Dar, there have been value chain analyses that feature a food mapping component (Yigzaw et al., 2016; Desalegn, 2018; Chen et al., 2021; Mossie et al., 2021; Wosene and Gobie, 2022). Chen et al. (2021) mapped the agri-food chains of legumes, vegetables, fruits, and fish through the collection of qualitative data from focus groups that were conducted by local partners. Some of the value chain analyses in Bahir Dar have focused on food loss and waste and tomato value chains (Yigzaw et al., 2016; Wosene and Gobie, 2022). Mossie et al. (2021) combined apple and mango smallholder farmers’ participation along the value chain with food security outcomes, while Chen et al. (2021) coupled an agri-food chain mapping exercise with a literature review to provide a basis for the elaboration of an indicator-based assessment framework for assessing food system governance.

In Hanoi, food mapping has typically focused on the drivers and outcomes of dietary transformations along rural–urban transects, for example, the development of food system profiles of three benchmark sites to provide a snapshot of the food system transformation, as well as the dietary outcomes of food environments. The latter is of major relevance when considering the recent surge in urbanization, “supermarketisation” of food policies, and the swathe of social media platforms and apps relating to the dietary choices of younger generations (Huynh et al., 2021; Nguyen et al., 2021).

In addition to the creation of a food system profile for Cali, consideration has been given to analyzing food flows into Cali to demonstrate its close relationship with both the surrounding production regions and the other localities that receive the same produce (Rankin et al., 2021). Chaboud and Moustier (2021) assessed the volume of food loss and waste along a tomato supply chain and analyzed the roles that supermarkets and non-supermarket channels play in contributing to food loss and waste. Following growing climate concerns, more attention is being placed on the impacts of food on the environment and the impacts of projected changes in weather patterns on food crop production (Gerbal, 2019).

In Hanoi and Cali, more advanced and comprehensive mapping approaches have been used. These include food flow analyses of different food groups, coordinating across multi-stakeholder platforms, ranking the presence of Milan Urban Food Policy Pact (MUFPP) key indicators, and using a set of metrics that highlight key challenges and offer a baseline for the measurement and monitoring of future changes. In both cities, mixed-methods approaches have also been used to map food systems. For example, combining quantitative data (static geospatial data at the neighborhood level and household surveys) with qualitative data (in-depth interviews with shoppers and expert consultations) to assess the impacts of food on the environment and the impacts of projected changes in climate patterns on the suitability of food crop production (Aronson, 2019; Burra et al., 2019; Gerbal, 2019; Huynh et al., 2021; Nguyen et al., 2021; Rankin et al., 2021; Rankin-Cortázar, 2021).

4. Discussion

There are a number of strengths associated with the food mapping activities to date in both Hanoi and Cali (e.g., the recognition of each city as a node in the food distribution network and not only a consumption point, the inclusion of non-market food sources and the informal retail sector, desirability of food among different ethnic groups, food categories households prefer to buy with a larger food budget, and important food). However, key knowledge gaps remain, including in relation to a better understanding of power dynamics, socioeconomic environments, and institutional contexts (Rankin et al., 2021). The following paragraphs summarize the gaps identified from the existing literature for each stage of the value chain in the three cities:

• Production: There is a general lack of recognition of the “who, what, where and how” of how agricultural production shapes nutritional outcomes of food systems of the three cities. In addition, there is a lack of data analyzing whether the seasonality of food supplies has nutritional effects on consumers and how this influences their purchasing habits (Feola et al., 2015; Le et al., 2015; Baltenweck et al., 2018; Minten et al., 2018; Gurara et al., 2021; Rankin et al., 2021).

• Processing: To date, mapping approaches in the three city regions have not included a detailed analysis of food processing facilities and practices. There is also a lack of consideration given to the flow of foods from local processing facilities, and how much of the food is going into the city and what is leaving (Tegegne and Ashenafi, 1998; Møller et al., 2012; Hernandez, 2020; Neela and Fanta, 2020; Cheffo et al., 2021).

• Logistics: Although there are data available in relation to infrastructure and transport, the possible effects of different transport distances and methods on the nutritional quality of the food arriving in the city have not been examined. The practices of more localized food transfer to informal markets and their nutritional effects could also be further explored (Gerber, 2011; Schoebitz et al., 2014; Minten et al., 2016; Yigzaw et al., 2016; Desalegn, 2018; Hansen, 2018; Chaboud and Moustier, 2021; Mejía et al., 2021).

• Retail: Some approaches have addressed the nutritional effects of different distribution channels. However, limited attention has been given to defining culturally accepted retail outlets, and if there are nutritional benefits associated with different outlets (Usuga et al., 2012; Guarín, 2013; Wertheim-Heck et al., 2014; Wertheim-Heck and Spaargaren, 2016; Wertheim-Heck et al., 2019; Trinh et al., 2020; Chaboud and Moustier, 2021; Mossie et al., 2021; Zaharia et al., 2021; Karg et al., 2022).

• Consumer: More consideration should be given to the cultural and ethical aspects of consumer choices such as the influence of religion, non-market food source practices such as kinship, and consumer differences between generations and genders. Analyses of the possible influences of modern food marketing on the food environment are currently lacking (Harris et al., 2009; Wertheim-Heck and Spaargaren, 2016; Kidane Meles et al., 2018; Quintero-Angel et al., 2019; D’haene et al., 2020; Mai et al., 2020; Umberger et al., 2020; Wertheim-Heck and Raneri, 2020; Wondim, 2020; Nguyen et al., 2021; Turner et al., 2022).

Across the three cities, there are knowledge gaps relating to the temporal dimension of food accessibility, considering the prominence of informal markets and the sustained presence of two major food supply seasons. In addition, there is a lack of standardized inclusion of health outcomes such as non-communicable diseases (NCDs), socioeconomic dimensions, or environmental dimensions. Decision-makers may also benefit from evidence that includes a stronger focus on the influences of marketing powers from the recent expansion of telecommunications and e-commerce platforms that manipulate the food environment (Harris et al., 2009).

In the case of Bahir Dar, little attention seems to have been given to date to the role of religion in shaping food choices, nutrition, and food supply chains. Greater consideration of the influence of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity (which makes up 43% of the total population of Ethiopia and circa 90% of Bahir Dar) could inform improved understanding of food systems, along with consideration of minority religions in the city (e.g., Muslim and Protestant) (Alonso, 2015). Many religions have fasting and abstinence systems which can affect food system dynamics. For instance, in the Ethiopian Orthodox community, lay people are required to fast for 180 days (Zellelew, 2014). In addition, there has been little attention given to the inclusion of non-market food sources such as own production, wild food harvesting, and food gifts which link food availability and personal food environments (D’haene et al., 2020; Turner et al., 2020; Nguyen et al., 2021).

As food systems are subject to rapid change over space and time, understanding how to monitor and measure dietary and market transformations, in particular, transitions to modern retail outlets and changes in consumer preferences, to better target nutrition-related outcomes is crucial to promote resilient, inclusive, and sustainable food systems (Allen et al., 2018).

5. Conclusion

This mini-review provides an overview of research relating to food system mapping, using three emerging city regions as a basis for assessing current knowledge and gaps.

To better understand food mapping and how it relates to understating food systems, power dynamics, socioeconomic environments, and institutional contexts (e.g., regulatory bodies and financial services) ideally need to be differentiated (Alarcon et al., 2021). In particular, understandings of what is meant by ‘value’ and how it can be generated, particularly through food and waste usage, may need to be tailored to reflect different stakeholders’ perceptions. Food mapping needs to carefully consider the dynamic sub-systems that manage the by-products and waste disposal throughout the food system. Many nutrition-sensitive approaches to food systems have focused on rural development, especially with commodity-specific short, local value chains that do not capture interactions among value chains or more complex urban and international food systems (Alarcon et al., 2021).

To transition food mapping as a diagnostic tool from providing snapshot views of static data to a more dynamic and nutrition-sensitive food mapping approach, nutrition could be considered at all stages of value chains to better integrate healthier foods into city-regional food systems decision-making. Analysis of food processing practices can generate valuable insights into agricultural supply chains and the extent of processed (including so-called ultra-processed) foods supplied and consumed within urban areas. Consideration of the infrastructure, transport services, and logistics of urban food systems can provide a food flow lens on foods arriving in cities. Given the links between food losses and waste, lack of access to nutritional foods by marginalised consumers, and the inter-relationship with sustainability issues, including climate change, it is important to include an analysis of the disposal of food within the city boundaries to promote the re-circulation of nutrients and calories, including the more sustainable and circular disposal of organic waste (Cattaneo et al., 2021).

Taking a food mapping approach to analyze the food systems of the three cities provides insights into the “status quo” of each city region’s food system. Our analysis of existing studies highlights limitations relating to the temporal dimensions of access to food, the nutritional outcomes of food flows, the cultural and ethical factors of consumer behavior, and how healthy foods could be better integrated into decision-making at every stage of the food supply chain (including relating to food loss and waste).

Nutritionally deficient diets and access to nutritious foods are not simply the result of personal consumer choices but reflect the consequence of food system policies, distributive justice, distribution networks, infrastructure, research and development, information and awareness, and consumer preferences. We consider that efforts to provide a more comprehensive and dynamic nutrition-sensitive understanding of the dynamics of the city region’s food systems can guide interventions and activities that can enable transitions to healthier, equitable, and more sustainable food systems.

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