OPINION article
Front. Ecol. Evol.
Sec. Models in Ecology and Evolution
Ecological Capital in Meeting the Buru Tribe's Subsistence Needs
Muhamad Chairul Basrun Umanailo 1
Mohd Roslan Bin Mohd Nor 2
Maryam Sangadji 3
Varissca Utari Tuharea 4
Annisa Retrofilia Umanailo 5
Muhtyaningsih Harum Ode Halidu 6
Aswar Muhidin 7
Arifandi Waikabo 7
1. Faculty of Agriculture and Forestry, Universitas Iqra Buru, Namlea, Indonesia
2. Department of Islamic History and Civilization, Universiti Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
3. Faculty of Economic and Business, Pattimura University, Ambon, Indonesia
4. Faculty of Letters, Iqra Buru University, Namlea, Indonesia
5. Faculty of Science and Technology, Pattimura University, Ambon, Indonesia
6. Faculty of Economics, Iqra Buru University, Namlea, Indonesia
7. Faculty of Teacher Training and Education, Iqra Buru University, Namlea, Indonesia
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Abstract
Indonesia is one of the world's most ethnically diverse countries, with hundreds of communities, each possessing distinct languages, traditions, and value systems that form a dynamic cultural mosaic (Widiastuti et al., 2023). This diversity is both a legacy and a national asset, though modernization and technological development pose challenges to cultural sustainability (Lerch, 2024). The Maluku archipelago exemplifies this diversity while facing difficulties in preserving cultural identity.Geographically, Maluku is divided into North Maluku (Morotai, Halmahera, Bacan, Obi, Ternate, Tidore) and South Maluku (Seram, Buru, Ambon, Banda, Kei Aru, Tanimbar, Babar, Leti, Wetar). Each island hosts unique ethnic groups and languages. The Buru tribe holds a significant position, living in resource-rich lands yet remaining isolated from modernization, resulting in limited welfare despite abundant natural wealth (Laitupa et al., 2023).Although often stigmatized as "underdeveloped," the Buru tribe possesses profound ecological knowledge, including sustainable systems for plants, animals, ecosystems, food, medicine, and climate adaptation Waemese et al., 2023). This knowledge is vital not only for their survival but also for modern resource management. Previous studies have focused on language, policy, or cultural signs (Indrayani, 2019;Waemese et al., 2023;Hardiansyah et al., 2024), but ecological capital as the foundation of subsistence remains underexplored.Ecological capital encompasses land, forests, water, and biodiversity (Guarino and Muñoz-Ulecia, 2026). For the Buru tribe, it is central to daily life, providing food, medicine, and religious rituals (Laturette, 2023). Rituals and norms, such as pre-hunting ceremonies and land rotation in shifting agriculture, function as conservation mechanisms, maintaining ecosystem balance (Grimes, 2006).Modernization introduces new challenges, as technology, education, and external interactions risk eroding local languages and indigenous conservation systems (Petrova et al., 2025). Thus, research on Buru ecological capital is crucial to document local wisdom and assess its relevance in contemporary contexts. Using a phenomenological approach with interviews in eight villages of the Rana highlands, this study aims to identify conservation strategies, map traditional knowledge, and evaluate ecological capital for community subsistence (Pattinama, 2009;Waemese et al., 2023).By addressing the ecological dimension often marginalized in indigenous studies, this research enriches Maluku's literature and supports integrating local wisdom into resource management policies. In the context of global environmental crises, proven indigenous conservation practices complement modern science, making this study significant not only for the Buru community but also for global sustainability efforts. The social structure of the Buru community, rooted in kinship ties, plays a central role in regulating ecological resource use. Kinship functions not only as a social bond but also as a system that determines access and intensity of utilization (Prayogo, 2023). Nuclear families, consisting of parents and children, hold priority in farming, hunting, and forest product collection, often through inheritance rights. They exercise full control over agricultural yields for both subsistence and customary needs (Collins, 2022).Extended kinship groups, such as cousins, retain limited access, often participating through cooperation but dependent on nuclear family approval. Resource distribution is based on kinship closeness and contribution, while outsiders gain access mainly through barter or with permission from community leaders (Iye, 2022). Customary rules, such as land rotation and taboos against hunting during mating or migration seasons, ensure ecological balance (Yulismayanti et al., 2022). Elders and family heads oversee these practices, reinforcing sustainability.The principle of gotong royong (mutual cooperation) underpins collective farming and hunting, with harvests shared equitably among kin according to relationship and effort (Hentihu et al., 2020). This extends to non-timber forest products like rattan, resin, and sago, where distribution is transparent and fair. Nuclear families generally hold higher ecological capital due to greater utilization, but strong kinship ties maintain equitable distribution and prevent environmental harm.However, modernization and global market pressures challenge this system. Weakening kinship ties and rising economic capital risk are shifting practices toward overexploitation, threatening ecological sustainability. Strengthening social capital through traditional education and the enforcement of customary rules is essential to preserving the kinship-based system. In doing so, the Buru Tribe sustains both environmental protection and community well-being. For the Buru people, ecological resource use is not merely economic but deeply tied to spirituality and tradition. Customary norms and rituals regulate both renewable and non-renewable resource utilization, ensuring a balance between human needs and ecosystem sustainability (Ren, Lei and Ren, 2022). Animist beliefs view forests, rivers, seas, and animals as inhabited by spirits, requiring respect through ceremonies before hunting, farming, or harvesting. Rituals such as Hara Sahu precede hunting, seeking permission from forest spirits; failure to observe them is believed to bring misfortune.Agricultural practices are governed by Gilir Lahan, a rotational land-use system reinforced by ceremonies honoring ancestral spirits (Hentihu et al., 2020;Uar et al., 2025). This prevents overuse and maintains soil fertility. Similarly, harvesting non-timber products like sago, resin, or rattan requires purification rituals to avoid ecological harm. Distribution of resources follows kinship-based rules, often prioritizing vulnerable families, thereby embedding social justice within ecological management.Customary taboos further protect biodiversity, prohibiting hunting during mating seasons or restricting harvests during certain periods. These practices sustain resources for future generations while reinforcing harmony with nature (Lopulalan, 2019). Thus, adherence to norms and rituals is central to environmental sustainability and community survival.However, modernization and external influences challenge these traditions. Younger generations increasingly adopt commercial approaches that neglect sustainability, risking overexploitation. Preserving ecological capital requires strengthening customary education and transmitting traditional values to youth (Kirtan et al., 2025). By doing so, the Buru people can maintain a kinship-based, spiritually grounded system that safeguards both livelihoods and ecological balance. A natural resource owned by the Buru people that provides both direct and indirect support for their livelihoods is referred to as ecological capital. In Buru households, ecological capital plays a crucial role in generating the income necessary to meet fundamental needs, such as food, clothing, and shelter, as well as other essential necessities. According to Yu and Guo, this ecological capital comprises resources such as agricultural land, forests, waters, and a variety of other natural resources, which are managed by the community in accordance with customary norms and traditional rituals passed down from one generation to the next (Yu and Guo, 2023).Agriculture and the utilization of various other natural resources are the primary sources of income for households in the Buru people. To give just one example, agricultural land that is used to cultivate rice, corn, and other crops makes a significant contribution to the food requirements of households. Due to the shifting cultivation system employed by the Buru people, they can utilize the land in rotation, which helps preserve the soil's fertility and protects the environment from potential harm. Buru households can obtain sufficient yields to meet their families' food needs by utilizing agricultural land as ecological capital. Additionally, they can obtain a small amount to trade in local markets, which ultimately results in additional income.In addition to supporting agricultural production, forests are also an essential component of ecological capital, making a significant contribution to household income. The Buru people utilize a wide range of non-timber forest products, including rattan, resin, sago, and other forest products, which are harvested regularly. Not only are these products used to meet household requirements, but they are also sold for financial gain (Katili, 1989). As an illustration, resin harvested from the forest is made available for use in industry or handicrafts, whereas rattan is frequently used in handicraft production or sold to merchants. According to Sam, the income generated from the sale of these forest products frequently provides a much-needed supplementary income for households (Sam et al., 2021).Fishing and hunting are two additional sources of ecological capital that significantly contribute to household income. Numerous fish and other natural resources are found in abundance in the waters and rivers surrounding the territory of the Buru people. In addition to providing households with food, hunting deer, wild boar, and other forest animals, as well as fishing in rivers and the sea, can also provide additional income for households (Grimes, 2010). There are numerous instances in which these hunting and fishing products are sold at local markets or used to fulfill daily consumption requirements. Particularly during periods when agricultural yields are less abundant, the income generated from hunting and fishing plays a significant role in enhancing the economic resilience of Buru households.The administration of ecological capital emphasizes not only the utilization of natural resources but also their sustainable management and conservation. Because of this, the Buru people place a significant amount of importance on the customary norms and religious rituals that govern the utilization of their natural resources. The maintenance of natural resource sustainability, which in turn contributes to the long-term economic resilience of households, is facilitated by the observance of these customary norms and rituals. When viewed from this perspective, the ecological capital of the Buru people is not only regarded as a resource that can be exploited, but also as a legacy that needs to be safeguarded and managed prudently to continue providing for their everyday needs.In the Buru household economy, ecological capital has begun to assume a more expansive role due to the development of markets and the increased availability of resources from the outside world. In the case of Buru households, for instance, the availability of markets for non-timber forest products and agricultural goods has enabled them to access additional sources of income. Furthermore, because of strong social ties and kinship networks, the benefits of ecological capital are frequently distributed through a system of mutual assistance. This enables households with lower incomes to continue accessing natural resources and the products they produce. Despite ecological capital making a substantial contribution to the income of Buru households, there are still obstacles to overcome. Climate change, deforestation, and shifting consumption patterns are all factors that pose a threat to the long-term viability of natural resources (Uar et al., 2024). This is one of the factors. If efforts are not made to maintain and preserve the ecological capital of Buru households, their dependence on forest products and traditionally managed agricultural land could be jeopardized. Consequently, to ensure that ecological capital continues to contribute to their means of subsistence, it is essential to implement sustainable management practices and empower communities to preserve natural resources. A significant number of Buru households have begun developing strategies for income diversification as a means to address this issue.These strategies involve managing various types of natural resources more efficiently and sustainably. Not only does this diversification encompass agriculture and forestry, but it also includes the potential for nature tourism, which could become a new source of income (Iye et al., 2022). Ecotourism management that involves local communities, for instance, has the potential to create new economic opportunities based on the preservation of nature, while simultaneously raising awareness of the importance of preserving ecological capital for future generations. According to Solissa, the role of social capital that is inherent in kinship ties and social networks is inextricably linked to the significance of ecological capital in the household economy of the Buru people (Solissa, 2022). Within a household, when natural resources are scarce or damaged, other households frequently offer assistance or share the harvest, thereby strengthening the family's collective economic resilience. This is because other households share the harvest. The fact that this is the case suggests that the success of Buru households in utilizing ecological capital is also dependent on the strong social solidarity that exists within the community.Community conservation strategies are not simply ecological practices, but rather manifestations of traditional knowledge integrated with a strong customary legal structure. Legislatively, this ecological capital is legitimized through Buru Regency Regulation No. 03 of 2019 concerning the Recognition and Protection of Indigenous Communities, which provides space for local values as a legitimate instrument of environmental governance (Rafiqi, 2025). This synchronization between local wisdom and the formal regulatory framework proves that the sustainability of the Buru people's livelihoods is highly dependent on the recognition of communal rights to natural resources. When all of these elements are taken into consideration, ecological capital plays a significant role in supporting the income of Buru households. On the other hand, to ensure that this ecological capital continues to contribute, it is essential to preserve the viability of natural resources and strengthen management mechanisms founded on indigenous knowledge and beliefs that have been passed down through generations. Ecological capital will not only enable the Buru Tribe to maintain their current means of subsistence, but it will also ensure that their incomes remain sustainable in the years to come if managed rationally and sustainably.
Summary
Keywords
Buru, capital, ecological, Subsistence, Tribe
Received
20 January 2026
Accepted
18 February 2026
Copyright
© 2026 Umanailo, Nor, Sangadji, Tuharea, Umanailo, Halidu, Muhidin and Waikabo. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) or licensor are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.
*Correspondence: Muhamad Chairul Basrun Umanailo
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