Political economies of education and violent public protests in conflict zone: narratives of youth from iNanda and KwaMashu townships, South Africa

Protests accompanied by increasing violence are prevalent in the townships of South Africa. These violent protests often arise from community dissatisfaction with service delivery, which in some cases leaves residents without basic necessities such as water and electricity. As a result, learners and students are left without access to schools, colleges, and universities, disrupting education programs. This study draws on Novelli and Cardozo-Lopez’s framework, which identifies a tool that can aid in alleviating poverty. This study also considers both physical and structural forms of violence and examines how the everyday experiences of youth are shaped by these dynamics. In conflict zones such as the iNanda and KwaMashu townships, education suffers whenever violent events take place. This study is framed by Political Economy Analysis (PEA), which was used to explore how the intersections of politics, geographic location, history, and class shape experiences of both formal and informal education. This qualitative study used semi-structured interviews with 16 participants and two focus groups involving youth and learners aged 19 to 35 years. Findings from the thematic analysis, as guided by the 4R’s framework (recognition, redistribution, representation and reconciliation), indicate that (1) violent protests are directly linked to dissatisfaction with service delivery, which negatively influences the education system, and (2) youth in conflict zones are deprived of formal education, often becoming exposed to adults who teach or engage them in criminal activities; and (3) communities in the iNanda and KwaMashu townships deem community dialogue and the Ubuntu approach as possible solutions to protect youth from the consequences of various forms of violence. The study concludes that since no community in the world is immune to physical or structural violence, education can serve as a powerful vehicle for promoting social justice among youth in conflict zones.

Background

In February 2024, violent protests erupted in the iNanda and KwaMashu townships, leading to the closure of schools, places of employment, libraries, and malls. Protesters blocked roads, making it impossible to access or leave the townships. The protests were not the first; in July 2021, South Africa witnessed protests and looting incidents in the townships of KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng provinces. These protests occurred 27 years after the country gained independence and involved acts of violence and looting. In the majority of areas, the protests were believed to have been sparked by the imprisonment of former President Jacob Zuma. The former president was convicted and imprisoned for 15 months. Studies by Ngcamu (2019) and Ngwane (2011) revealed that public protests are common in South Africa and often turn violent. Where and/or under what conditions do protests turn violent? Public protests become violent at different points and at different levels, creating a continuum of violence for learners at school and youth located outside of formal education, which implies that some are not in the education system or are unemployed. At the physical level, the burning of tyres, barricading roads with rocks or wooden locks, or community members physically blocking the roads, adversely affect access to schools for these learners. Furthermore, violence exists in both structural and symbolic forms through the curriculum and the ways in which township schools are under-resourced relative to former Model C schools, which were previously reserved for white people only by the apartheid government, and private schools in South Africa. Both the curriculum and the lack of resources in township schools are directly linked to the apartheid history of the country, as gaining independence in post-apartheid South Africa did not bring about change to the education system.

The continued use of past policies that shape the current curriculum perpetuates exclusion with little to no change in resources, such as the renovation and maintenance of school structure/building and the lack of computers and Wi-Fi for the majority of schools in iNanda and KwaMashu, including the iNanda Seminary School and the J. G Zuma High School, which was only relocated to a new building in 2023. According to Ngwane (2011), the rise in public protests in the country is linked to economic disparities resulting from increased unemployment and poverty. In this study, service delivery refers to the government’s inability to provide basic services to communities, resulting in public protests. According to a study by Ni et al. (2020:238), “post-traumatic stress disorder prevalence ranges from 4 to 41% in riot-affected areas.” Theorists Ngcamu (2019) and Ngwane (2011) add that individual participation in the protests affects their mental wellbeing, with the prevalence of major depression rising when violent protests occur, which is a significant demonstration and indicates community spillover effects.

Reviewing literature

Political economy analysis (PEA) and education access

Political and economic factors influence education, and as an integral part of the social structure in communities, events outside the education system impact how education is shaped (Selenica and Novelli, 2020). Violent protests have become increasingly common in the post-apartheid South African university landscape due to student struggles over financial access. Unlike in 1976, when youth in township schools initiated peaceful protests inside school premises, affecting students like the iconic Hector Petersen, township protests that impact education usually begin at the community level. Nonetheless, events and resurgences of community protest violence inevitably affect access to education for many young people living in townships. Using political economy analysis (PEA) helped connect ways in which politics and economic factors impact education at Nanda and KwaMashu townships. Political economy analysis is a tool used to understand the interaction of political and economic processes in a society: the distribution of power and wealth between different groups and individuals and the processes that create, sustain, and transform these relationships over time (Novelli et al., 2017).

PEA also highlights ways in which youth outside of the formal education system and those who are unemployed participate in violent protests, engaging with party politics, where they campaign and promote protests through social media platforms and secret meetings. They recruit for different roles in the protests, such as those responsible for cutting off electricity and water pipes in specific areas or organising syndicates that will start burning tyres in different parts of the community, causing major damage to existing infrastructure, such as schools, roads, factories, and businesses around.

Youth outside formal education, in an effort to address socio-economic issues faced by communities in iNanda and KwaMashu, become socialised into the intricate ways of conceptualising, building, and implementing protests. These protests often turn violent due to their exclusion from the formal schooling system.

The entanglement of youth outside the education system and contact with the older generation play two significant roles in that the youth both get an opportunity to engage with people who were present and participated in violent protests that took place during the apartheid struggle. This, in turn, creates and nurtures a growing political consciousness experience that much formal education would otherwise not offer. This political consciousness produces a unique civil identity for the youth exposed to the ‘street curriculum.’ The negative influence of this knowledge is that it is sometimes deployed in instrumental ways that exacerbate violence in the community protests, causing myriad damage to marginalised populations, as occurred with the communities of iNanda and KwaMashu. Thus, violent protests function as a site of informal political education, a curriculum of the street, or a direct consequence of historical and ongoing educational inequities, as protestors block access to schools and steal or damage educational resources. Those in the formal education system are then exposed to different layers of violence that are made manifest via structural and institutional resources, which are directly linked to historic and ongoing educational inequalities. Inequalities related to public services that make it impossible for learners to reach schools, along with inequalities rooted in apartheid, contribute to disparities in the quality of education and knowledge taught in schools. Additionally, material and epistemic differences in student care are perpetuated within public versus private schools in South Africa.

Therefore, politics and economies intersect, fuelling community protests into events of violence. The Political Economy Framework helped understand the complexities of political and economic systems and their intersection with education, influencing how those within the formal education system experience schooling. However, the study is also interested in the experiences of youth who are not within the formal education system but rather experience a different form of curriculum that is informed by socio-economic inequalities in iNanda and KwaMashu townships. This, in turn, shapes their educational experiences in various contexts. In relation to race, the economy, and education, the history of South Africa is an important factor in understanding the current trends and phenomena surrounding these categories.

The Population Registration Act of 1950 segregated South Africa into four racial groups: White people, Indian people, Coloured people, and Black African people, with Black people being at the bottom of the economic hierarchy. Racial classification determined the area where individuals lived and the schools they attended. From this perspective, PEA reinforces Du Bois’ (1903) and Fanon’s (1967) arguments on the enduring afterlives of racialised systems for oppression, which permeate both the macro and micro dimensions of social life. Apartheid laws and policies naturalised and reinforced the marginalisation of Black communities, which continues today. Gordon (2018) argues that the marginalisation of Black communities is not a thing of the past; it is still present. The violent protests that leave devastating results, which directly influence how youth at iNanda and KwaMashu experience education, must be read against this recalcitrance of race and racism in the post-apartheid context.

According to Rutherford et al. (2007), violence is a worldwide challenge that requires constant attention because of its fluid nature. Their study focused on understanding violence as a public health issue and did not specifically target students. However, their study is relevant to the proposed study because it highlights the need for researchers to broaden the definition of violence. Other scholars have argued that for a full understanding of the meaning of violence, we need to understand that violence is not a single entity; it takes different forms, and the different forms or levels intersect with each other, which is why we need to broaden the definition (Bowman et al., 2015). Additionally, Rutherford et al. (2007) state that we need to broaden our definition of violence because it is a complex phenomenon made up of many parts. Based on these scholars, the current research examined violence in terms of both its physical and symbolic manifestations. It also explored how these elements come together or divide to produce a specific educational experience for youth in both formal and informal forms of education. The paper argues that violent protests that are rooted in the country’s political and economic inequalities create a continuum of violence. Using the PEA allowed the application of the 4Rs that Novelli employs to study the impact of political and economic factors in conflict zones. Initially coined by Fraser as a lens that helps with the understanding of the root of violence in conflict zones, the 4Rs framework refers to recognition, redistribution, and reconciliation.

To better understand the political economies of the iNanda and KwaMashu townships, the historical continuum of marginalisation is relevant here. The apartheid system marginalised Black people and left a legacy of poverty by excluding them from participating in economic activities. The only way Black people took part in the economic system was when they worked as employees to earn meagre wages. Through the same systems, Black people could only live in particular areas far from their white counterparts through the system of othering, where Black people are considered as outsiders; therefore, they do not deserve the same privileges enjoyed by whites (Steyn, 2014). The geographic location was organised according to the race discourse. Geographic locations are important to understand because they are not just a matter of terrain; they determine everyday life in terms of behaviour, what we are exposed to, and how we move.

Thus, geographies shape experiences of existence (McKittrick, 2006). Educational institutions, as part of the broader infrastructure, mirror the same racialised structure and are therefore physically and structurally affected by public protests over service delivery. These disruptions affect both youth in the formal education system and those outside it. Power remains deeply embedded in South Africa’s social hierarchies, normalising racial privileges that continue to shape everyday experiences (Steyn, 2014).

The apartheid system-based social welfare service programme was based on race and geographic location, with Black people and whites not experiencing the same access to service delivery (Patel, 2012). Inequalities and discrimination are the foundation of the tension and frustration that often explode in the form of public protests and looting incidents we see today (Patel, 2012). A common feature of protests in the South African context is dissatisfaction with the government’s failure to meet the basic needs of the communities and deliver basic services to people residing in townships such as iNanda and KwaMashu township. McKittrick (2006) states that “landscape, our surroundings and our everyday places are the vessels of human violence” p. xi, and that service delivery, race, and geographic location determine the kinds of services they receive from the government. The paper’s focus is on how violent protest influences the experiences of youth and their interactions with formal and informal schooling processes.

Methodology

A qualitative methods approach was applied to capture and analyse participants’ lived experiences of Black African youth from the townships of iNanda and KwaMashu. Their education system continues to be directly and indirectly affected by violent public protests, helping answer the research question (de Vos, 2005).

The study explored how both formal and informal education systems influence youth perceptions of how violent forms of public protests affect access to education. A qualitative approach aided in understanding the participants’ social processes and everyday lived experiences (Babbie and Mouton, 2016).

I was able to engage with participants’ stories, using Experience-Centred Narratives (ECN), a research design that considers the contexts in which stories take place. Therefore, for this reason, it was vital that the timing and violent events, both visible (barricading, shooting and burning tyres) and invisible, which are structural, such as the townships (not having water or electricity) for more than three weeks, as well as the ones that were still active (attacks between political parties), be included in the study because they give us the context in which participants’ experiences occur (Boonzaier and Van Schalkwyk, 2011).

To avoid misrepresentation of the research participants’ voices, the first author adhered to ethical principles and ensured trustworthiness by reviewing recorded interviews with participants and analysing notes taken during the interviews by both the first author and the research assistant. I picked up codes and themes that we deemed significant. Lastly, the data was analysed using NVivo version 15 to process the final reports presented in the report results, and these were compared to other methods used. Supervisors were involved throughout the process, ensuring the trustworthiness of the results and preventing biases or misrepresentations of the true meaning of the data.

The focus on lived experiences is central to the qualitative approach, and it can assist in giving participants a voice. The experiences of the iNanda and KwaMashu took place within a specific political and socio-economic context. The experiences could also be attributed to the timing of the protests. First, it was two years after the July 2021 protest and looting that left hundreds of people dead, and both townships were impacted by the 2022 floods that left them without water and electricity. The interviews for this research took place just two months before South Africa’s national elections; there was an intersection of three protests that were still active when the data was collected. Therefore, I engaged with participants in a way that created a space conducive to this context. Allowing participants to interpret events and experiences according to how they understand them.

Data were collected using semi-structured interviews with 16 participants, which helped the study to gain an in-depth understanding of how service delivery-related challenges influence youth from iNanda and KwaMashu townships in relation to education. Additionally, I conducted two focus group discussions of eight to ten participants. Bringing the group together became helpful as it facilitated a conversation between people of a similar age group who share the same or similar experiences and exposure to violent public protests and other forms of violence and have firsthand experience with being within and outside formal education.

I used Squire’s (2008) Everyday Centred Narrative (ECN) as the study’s design to engage with semi-structured interviews and focus groups. Using ECN as a design meant that I could conduct interviews with participants at different times about the same topic. This approach goes beyond analysing the words uttered by also considering body language, facial expressions, and even hesitations and silences as forms of “paralanguage” (Squire, 2008). This helped in gaining an in-depth understanding of how the participants feel about certain phenomena and experiences. Finally, an ethnographic study was included in the data collection after the first author learnt that protests had started at the targeted research site. I was aware of the traumatic nature of the 2021 protests and had been informed that an elderly lady had lost her life and two of our participants had been attacked by unknown individuals whilst they were sleeping during the period we spent with the community when we collected data in 2024. Squire (2008) warns that the retelling of a traumatic story may trigger participants. A psychologist was on standby for anyone who might need therapy after. The therapist spoke isiZulu and had offices in KwaMashu, making it easy for clients to access her without worrying about transport costs or paying for the sessions, as she offered free sessions to all participants.

Upon arriving, I discovered that major violent protests had just taken place the previous day; as a result, we could see roads being barricaded, tyres burning, and some community members cleaning. After spending a week in the area, attending community meetings, and participating in various locations, fires were started. This time, community members blamed municipal workers for preventing access to water and electricity, leading to another two-week-long protest. The protest forced schools to close their premises because both learners and teachers could not pass the protestors. Unfortunately, some community members also believed that they were targeted because nearby Phoenix, which is a predominantly Indian populated area, had lights and water (Kiguwa, 2021). This perception led to racial tensions; however, there was fear from communities of iNanda and kwaMashu that if they were to protest against Indian people, more people would die. This idea stemmed from the violent protests and looting event in 2021, during which schools in the townships had to close for up to three weeks.

As I had already established relationships with a community gatekeeper, I had been warned in advance by the informant on days when it would be dangerous to be on site; however, I got to experience the violence that took place when we went days later with dustbins spilt all over, making it difficult to breathe, burning tyres, broken glasses and the sombre mood as an elderly person had passed in one of the wards because an ambulance could not reach her on time. The volunteers I joined prioritised clearing parts that allowed learners to access schools and health facilities. However, the community still had no water three weeks after I arrived on site, and I left without experiencing a drop in any of the water taps around the office used to conduct the study.

Purposive sampling was used because it allowed for the selection of participants based on their experience or knowledge about the phenomenon being studied. In South Africa, a child is defined by the Bill of Rights and the Children’s Act as “a person under the age of 18 years” [Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Act 108 of 1996, Section 28(3), n.d.]. Youth is defined as individuals aged 15–34 years; therefore, participants in the study were between 15 and 34 years of age, as this is the age the government recognises as legal age. Braun and Clarke (2006) describe thematic analysis as a method to systematically identify patterns in qualitative data. The researcher employed this approach to trace how themes emerged across both datasets.

Data analysis and discussion

The three major themes will be discussed in connection to Novelli’s 4Rs to trace progress made by the government post-apartheid in iNanda and KwaMashu townships, as both are among the areas previously marginalised by the oppressive government systems.

Reasons for protests and influence on communities

Novelli’s PEA connects politics, economic power, and education in conflict zones, arguing that education suffers during conflict. The study’s findings indicate that participants are concerned about experiencing unequal access to essential services and infrastructure, such as roads, water, and electricity supply. The participant importantly compares the need for infrastructure development with other improved residential areas, as mentioned in the quote below.

“Yes. As committees in the community, we look at that. We can’t even report anyway, or even at meetings with our officials. You see how the roads are at Westville and Mhlanga Rock? That’s what we want too. When I report, I’m usually reporting the same thing. I also want our informal settlement roads to be fixed, but they aren’t being fixed. When they report in other areas like Westville, Newlands, and Mhlanga Rocks, their concerns are addressed promptly. Our grandfather lived here back then, but the road still hasn’t been fixed.” (Participant 10)

In this regard, the need for infrastructure development calls for protest action as a sign of the need for the right to live in dignified conditions. Though the quote mentions roads, the damage to them directly affects learners’ ability to access educational institutions, as they need to travel from their homes to schools. Others travel to universities and colleges both in and outside the townships. Additionally, education in this context is described as a tool of empowerment for the youth, as different levels of education offer employment opportunities for the youth (Novelli et al., 2017).

Participants also indicated that violent protests interrupting educational programmes are rooted in frustration with the slow improvement and/or lack of maintenance of infrastructure in the iNanda and KwaMashu communities. Participants expressed disappointment with the current government, which underdelivers towards community needs. Subsequently, although community members may vote for a gullible government, they still protest to demonstrate its ineffectiveness, hoping to influence future voting decisions and bring about change. This is indicated by participant 4 from the focus group:

“I think that sometimes the community protests… uhm people vote right? They voted for that government, so when they protest, they sometimes want to show how useless it is. They are not delivering on what they promised.”

“So, for us to show how useless they are, we must protest, then maybe the next time we vote, we vote for a different government, so that there might be a change, maybe. That’s what I think.”

Results also indicate that youth that is not in school or those who could not finish school due to reasons related to socio-economic standing experience are unemployed, with many having lost their jobs during the 2021 violent protests and looting event. Therefore, high unemployment rates significantly contribute to protest actions in the community. Most youth are unemployed and lack stable income, leading to heightened frustration and desperation, especially since many individuals in the community have studied to obtain qualifications to improve their livelihoods. Simultaneously, when a community has a high number of unemployed individuals and youth, they often resort to committing crimes to sustain their lives, which then affects innocent individuals. Subsequently, the lack of education or qualifications obtained through education leads to increased unemployment rates within the community. This situation fuels protests as unemployed individuals voice their dissatisfaction and need for economic relief to community leaders and authorities, hoping to be recognised for change. Below, participants share their sentiments:

“Unemployment plays a big part… It is the reason why there’s so much poverty and crime in this area.” (Participant 2)

“Yeah, some of them went to school but are sitting at home with their qualifications. So, these are the challenges we are facing…But the main reason people protest is unemployment. Should people get employment, they’ll be fine.” (Participant 2)

Results also indicate that a major driver of the community protests is the failure of authorities and community leaders to sustain and provide essential services, such as clean water and electricity, in the community and the surrounding schools. Learners are sent home when there is no water, and those attending universities or colleges outside the two townships also miss lectures. Therefore, basic needs such as water not only leave community members stranded but also put the education system in a desperate position. Subjects such as computer science require electricity for teachers to conduct lessons, making it impossible for them to do their job when the community has no electricity.

“Oh, the protest. What can I say? The cause of the protest is the power cut. So, the community, due to anger and frustration, decided to protest.” (Participant 10)

“We have a water and electricity issue; electricity can be out for a whole week, and water too. That upsets the community, leading to the vandalism. However, even after the vandalism, the water and electricity don’t come back, so it’s a waste of time and energy.” (Participant 13)

Based on the above, the current government fails to bring Reconciliation to these communities. It continues to fail to deliver basic services that make it possible for youth in iNanda and KwaMashu to benefit fully from the current education system. Though tensions brew outside of educational institutions, the failure to meet basic community needs affects youth in the formal education system. The research argues that for youth in schools, a double form of violence exists, as the curriculum in schools can be challenging; for example, the use of English in a community that speaks isiZulu as their main language of communication, or the lack of basic needs in the school is structural. This shows how learners remain excluded from policies that influence their learning; thus, the representation of diversity in language in South Africa is missing in schools. The voices of learners are missing in policymaking. The same learners experience the same challenges outside of school because the majority of them come from the same neighbourhoods that were protested and blocked from attending school.

Youth participation, education, and violent protests

Research shows that youth in conflict zones are forcefully removed from school due to rising tensions, and in some cases, schools are destroyed or vandalised. Participants shared various reasons they believe push youth to protest or engage in risky behaviour. Participant 10 highlighted that influence and boredom at home are significant factors, suggesting that young people may be driven to protest due to a lack of activities or direction. Participant 2 pointed out the economic struggles many youths face, explaining that without job opportunities or support from the government, some resort to crime as a way to survive. Participant 5 reflected on the emotional toll of challenging circumstances, such as losing a parent, which can lead to a sense of hopelessness, resulting in substance abuse or disregard for authority, even among those from supportive families.

“I think maybe it’s influence and not having anything to do at home.”

“Old people are at least covered because they get a grant, but we, the youth, don’t. When we ask for jobs from the government, nothing is done, then we go into crime because we don’t know what else to do.”

Participant 14 echoed this sentiment, emphasising that the absence of employment opportunities leaves many young people with nothing productive to do. Participant 2 pointed out that for those who have completed their schooling, the frustration of not securing a job often leads them to drugs and other destructive behaviours, as they struggle to cope with the lack of prospects.

“There are no jobs, the government needs to create employment opportunities for people like us (those who could not make it to matric) because some just sit around in the street. Some even end up using drugs and sleeping in abandoned houses.”

Novelli’s representation supposes that education should play the role of creating fundamental freedom for previously marginalised groups; therefore, unemployment, which is considered a tool for employment, fails to offer economic freedom. The above findings show that learners excluded from the formal education system, regardless of the circumstances, become unemployed and end up participating in violent protests. Therefore, the research argues that excluding learners from accessing education does not lead to true representation post-apartheid.

Participants also highlighted that protests are largely driven by young people, with minimal involvement from the older generation. Participant 9 expressed uncertainty about whether the youth see protests as a trend, noting that older community members rarely take part. Similarly, Participant 8 described their role as minor compared to the youth. Participant 4 elaborated that many participants are between the ages of 12 and 18, with some in their early 20s, emphasising that many are still in school. They also raised concerns about the use of young children in protests, particularly when demonstrations escalate to burning tyres and road blockages, which disrupt the community.

“It is usually the youth who are at the forefront of protests. I don’t know if they think it is fashionable or wet. The older generation is not usually part of it.”

“I’m talking from the age of 12 years old till about 18 years old. Some are older, maybe in their 20s, but it’s mostly children who are still in school.”

“Burning of tyres, roads getting blocked. We get affected there because…and what's worse is that those who were protesting used the youth, young children.”

They further explained that children may not understand the consequences, believing that the actions of others are justified. Participant 6 added that a 12-year-old child might be influenced by seeing others participate, wanting to join in without fully grasping the implications of the protest.

“Sometimes you see a nine-year-old get excited at the sight of burning tyres and likes during a protest. When they see a group of people going on an assassination, they think it’s right.”

A participant expressed deep concern over the exploitation of youth in protests, particularly when they are involved in violent actions. One participant pointed out that when adults use young people to carry out violent protests like burning tyres, they are taking advantage of their vulnerability and compromising their future. They stressed that children should not be put in these situations, as it hinders their development and understanding of what is right. Another participant shared their experience at a recent protest, where they saw mostly young people involved and suspected they were being influenced by adults who did not want to face the consequences themselves. There was also mention of alcohol, with some youth possibly being encouraged to participate in vandalism in exchange for a drink. This concern shows how vulnerable the youth are to being manipulated in these situations, with long-term effects on their well-being.

“When you use the youth in violent things, such as violent protest, because you have certain intentions, how do you expect them to grow? Their rights get infringed on because we expect them to grow up well, knowing the correct things, so they can build their future.” (Participant 4)

The views above show that public protests produce negative results for youth who are not within the school system; therefore, violent protests prevent access to education as well as positive outcomes, including qualifications that result in youth’s employability (Selenica and Novelli, 2020).

Community divide, unity, and resilience

The findings indicate that the community endures hardships that impact their daily lives, indicating the inability of the government to reconcile injustices for the iNanda and the KwaMashu townships. However, despite the challenging circumstances and the violent demonstrations, the individuals strive to succeed. The participant pointed to the lack of ubuntu, citing that this disrupts unity. Some participants view protests as essential for holding government accountable and advancing community interests, while others see them as disruptive, considering the challenges they present to everyday life. The discourse of Ubuntu fosters solidarity and ethical behaviour, emphasising the need for more thoughtful and responsible ways to address grievances without harming others. Ultimately, this theme reveals the complex dynamics of protest, with a focus on how these actions are shaped by both individual and collective needs.

One participant shared their journey of immense loss and perseverance. In 2005, they faced the tragic deaths of multiple family members, including their parents and close relatives, all within a short span of time. Despite missing significant time at school to attend funerals, they remained determined to continue their studies. Even with the emotional toll and the challenge of catching up on missed lessons, they refused to let these hardships derail their education and were resolute in sitting for their matric exams.

“I did my matric in 2005. In March of that year, my dad passed away. In April, my mother passed away, and then in June, my maternal grandmother also passed away. Next, my aunt passed away too. One month went by, then in September, my uncle passed away. On the Friday that we buried my uncle, his son passed away too. In October, I had to go and write my matric exams. When my parents passed away, I had to miss days at school to go home to Pietermaritzburg. Even with everyone else who passed away, I had to miss school. You can imagine how hectic it is to catch up on one missed day at school. I do not know how, but I just told myself that I will not let myself get affected by what has happened.”

One participant explained how the pressures of life led them to drop out of school. At the age of 20, they felt compelled to enter adulthood quickly to support their child. The immediate responsibility of raising a family pushed them to leave their education behind in order to focus on providing for their child’s needs. This decision highlights the tough realities some young people face when balancing education with family obligations.

“Eish, the situation forced me to. I rushed to engage in adult activities, like I said, I have a 22-year-old. I had him at around 20 years old and was forced to drop out and provide for my child.”

In some cases, personal and family challenges have a significant impact on the educational aspirations of individuals. For instance, despite excelling academically and earning a matric exemption, one participant found their home environment difficult to navigate due to growing tensions within the family, which ultimately influenced their future educational choices. This led them to reside in an area they did not wish to, despite having the qualifications for further study (Participant 15). Similarly, for another participant, the tragic loss of both parents resulted in them having to abandon their education at Grade 10, an uncontrollable circumstance that stunted their educational progress (Participant 1).

“To an extent, I passed my matric very well and obtained an exemption, which meant I qualified for whatever bachelor’s degree I wanted to do. But the situation at home was not okay at that time. My home was okay, very okay, it’s just that there was a period that comes in every family where we just started not getting along at all. Right now, I live in white city, not because I wanted to.”

A participant shared their experience of unemployment and exploitation, describing a job they had at a hotel where they were paid only enough to cover transport costs. They received R85 ($4.95) per day, but with transport costing R50 ($2.90) daily, they were left with very little. This exploitation led them to leave the job, as the compensation was insufficient to meet their basic needs.

“It’s really not. I got a job at a hotel, but it was so bad there because I was only getting paid enough for transport. I got paid R85 per day, and transport was R50 per day. I ended up leaving that job.” (Participant 3)

Some participants expressed concerns about the decline of Ubuntu within communities. One participant reflected on how, after moving from their home village, they had hoped to find a sense of family in their new environment. Instead, they encountered a society where people only focus on themselves. Another lamented that Ubuntu no longer exists, attributing its loss to increasing selfishness. Others believed that if Ubuntu were still present, communities would handle issues differently, suggesting that protests would be peaceful rather than disruptive. In Africa, the concept of ubuntu refers to the way in which communities are designed as communal living, acknowledging the connectedness of the community. The concept’s approach translates to ‘I am because you are‘.

“Our Ubuntu is lost. These days, people only focus on themselves. When I moved here from my home village, I didn’t move with any family members. I told myself that I’ll find a family where I’m going. But now people have the mentality of people who don’t share the same DNA with them not being their family.” (Participant 2)

Participant 1 shared that open discussions are essential for bringing the community together, as they help avoid individuals working in isolation. They expressed that a lack of listening to one another is part of the problem. Participant 12 also spoke about the importance of community meetings, suggesting that they provide a peaceful space for people to discuss their issues before approaching the relevant authorities. They pointed out that attending such meetings can prevent unnecessary protests born from misunderstandings, as some people might not know the reasons behind issues like water or electricity outages, which would help address issues of Redistribution. While acknowledging that the ward councillor’s efforts may not always be appreciated, they emphasised that he consistently works hard to help resolve the community’s problems.

“Yes, it is because discussing things builds as if they were individuals doing our own thing, but now the problem is that we don't want to listen to each other.” (Participant 1)

“I think maybe having a meeting where the community get together peacefully and discusses their issues and then goes to express their concerns to the relevant department. Attending community meetings also helps because some people act without a proper understanding of what's happening, for example, some strike without knowing the reason for the water/electricity outage, maybe due to not attending community meetings. I don’t want to lie, not because I’m in the office, but the ward counsellor really helps a lot and he tries every possible way, it’s just that as a person you can’t be liked by everyone.” (Participant 12)

In the discussion, a participant shared a perspective that politicians often focus more on personal financial gain than on the well-being of the community. They mentioned that the mentality of “minding one’s own business” has contributed to this issue, noting that if politicians truly embraced Ubuntu, they would better understand the struggles of living without electricity. This, in turn, makes it difficult for children to study properly for crucial exams like their matric.

“What kills Ubuntu with us is that we have the ‘mind my own business’ mentality. So, politicians go for these top positions just for money. If they had Ubuntu, they would understand that it’s not nice to live without electricity, where your kids can’t even study properly for their matric exams.”

Public protests result in the fragmentation of communities; however, some community members believe that they are necessary as they give community members a space where they can raise grievances to the government.

Conclusion

This study aimed to investigate how physical and structural violence intersect to shape experiences in both formal and informal education. The study used the lens of EPA to analyse how everyday politics influences the way the community in a conflict zone lives and conducts itself daily. The study indicates that tension exists between the state, a formal institution, and the communities it serves. A lack of responsiveness by the state to the needs of the community results in protests, which are used by communities to voice their dissatisfaction with the lack of service delivery.

Williams et al. (2007) posit that formal institutions do not always work as intended. This was evident in our study, where the lack of service delivery and basic necessities such as water and electricity was evident in these communities. The failure of the state to provide services gave rise to informal institutions that collectively engaged in physical and structural violence. Occurrences of these protests have recently been witnessed in South Africa and Uganda (Mbazira, 2013), the United States of America (Chenoweth et al., 2022), and other parts of the world. As our study demonstrated, the protests start as nonviolent physical marches, but the way the government reacts causes violence to break out. Power dynamics also exist inside the protesting groups, creating and perpetuating various forms of social inequality.

According to our research, criminality and disruptions in formal education are caused by the community’s economic struggles. Because of their physical prowess, the younger generation is also used by the elderly to engage in criminal activities. Economic difficulties are worsened by the interruption of educational progress. This was demonstrated by the high unemployment rate among research participants, caused by diminished employment opportunities and economic choices due to their lack of formal education.

I have, however, observed that the affected communities overcome their hardships and do not allow them to dictate their daily social and cultural survival. Their adherence to the Ubuntu ideal is responsible for their tenacity and collectiveness. This, in addition, influences the community’s own development. We see community dialogue and the Ubuntu approach as possible solutions to protecting youth from suffering as a result of different forms of violence. According to Hudson et al. (2016), political contexts are fluid; thus, they are based on a specific context and change regularly.

The study provided considerable insights into the relationship between violence and social inequalities. Although power dynamics and social inequality have received a lot of attention, the state’s lack of response needs closer examination. Everyday Political Economies posits that when the environment is healthy, leaders collaborate with communities to establish the community’s needs and allocate resources for their intended development. Additionally, when community members are recognised and treated equally, a healthy political environment is created. Thus, development and transformation can be visible. Whilst an unhealthy political environment creates the opposite, communities are not consulted. The Ubuntu method and community discussion are two potential remedies to shield young people from the harm caused by many types of violence.

Data availability statement

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Ethics statement

The studies involving humans were approved by the University of the Witwatersrand Ethics (non-medical). The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author contributions

NS: Writing – original draft.

Funding

The author(s) declare that financial support was received for the research and/or publication of this article. The fellowship is a collaboration between my institution and the New Generation of Academic Program (nGap), which is funded by the Department of Higher Education (DHET) in South Africa, to support early-career researchers working on contemporary issues in South Africa under the University of the Witwatersrand.

Acknowledgments

This report was produced as part of the activities for the first author’s PhD research at the University of the Witwatersrand.

Conflict of interest

The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Generative AI statement

The author(s) declare that no Gen AI was used in the creation of this manuscript.

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