Japanese in an EMI environment: language practices and identity construction among Chinese international students in Japan

Dang, Siyan

doi:10.3389/feduc.2026.1712009

ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

Front. Educ., 27 January 2026

Sec. Language, Culture and Diversity

Volume 11 - 2026 | https://doi.org/10.3389/feduc.2026.1712009

Japanese in an EMI environment: language practices and identity construction among Chinese international students in Japan

Siyan Dang^*

School of Foreign Studies, Chang'an University, Xi'an, Shaanxi, China

In Japan, the internationalization of higher education is often narrowly equated with the universalization of English. However, this perspective overlooks two key realities: the majority of international students in Japan are not native English speakers, and both faculty and students often have limited English proficiency. As a result, Japanese—the dominant local language—remains the primary medium of everyday communication. This study adopts a qualitative approach to explore the experiences of Chinese international students, who make up the largest segment of Japan's international student population. Twenty one participants were selected for semi-structured, in-depth interviews. The thematic analysis reveals a three-dimensional cognitive framework shaping participants' attitudes toward Japanese: (1) symbolic perceptions of the language; (2) functional roles it plays in various social contexts; and (3) its hierarchical position within their multilingual repertoire. Simultaneously, they experience tensions of dual cultural belonging while negotiating their evolving identities as educational migrants and potential long-term residents.

1 Introduction: internationalization in Japanese higher education

The discourse on internationalization in Japanese higher education often values the preeminence of English, to the extent that proficiency in the language has become almost synonymous with the concept of internationalization itself. This emphasis is evidenced by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) in their 2012 publication “Higher Education in Japan”, where the introduction of English-taught classes is rationalized as a means ‘for domestic students to acquire the necessary English skills and for international students to feel at ease in Japan’ (17)¹. However, such a rationale seems to neglect the linguistic realities of the international student body; with a significant 44.9% from China and 16.2% from Vietnam (Japan Student Services Organization, 2023), the majority are non-native English speakers for whom English is a second or third language. This raises the question: does the predominance of English truly offer a sense of comfort and ease to these students, aligning with MEXT's expectations?

English-medium Instruction (EMI) in Japanese universities is a heatedly debated issue interacting with the theme of internationalization in academia (Iino and Murata, 2015; Iino, 2018; Hashimoto, 2013; Bradford, 2016; Bradford and Brown, 2017; Shimauchi, 2018; Shibata and Staicov, 2022; Shibata, 2025). In the 2020 mid-term report for the Top Global University Project (TGUP), which evolved from the earlier Super Global University (SGU) initiatives (Rose and McKinley, 2018), there is notable progress in the increase of both student enrolments and available EMI courses as an approach to enhancing internationalization in Japan. This expansion comes with the concern that the inclusion of international students is a strategy to serve as a medium to provide a means for Japanese students to improve their English (Galloway and Curle, 2022), a contributor to the international environment (Yonezawa and Shimmi, 2017) and a response to Japan's stagnant economy and aging population (Hashimoto, 2013; Kubota, 2011; Qiu et al., 2022).

The omission of international students' perspectives in the objectives of EMI culminates in a significant oversight within academic research—the real-world language experiences of international students remain largely unexplored. International students are drawn to Japan with the goal of facilitating both inbound and outbound student mobility. This strategy is designed to grant Japanese universities a competitive edge in the global education market and to help them emerge as world-class institutions (Iino, 2018). International students are also expected to act as pathways between Japanese and international societies, leveraging their bilingual skills in both English and Japanese (Yonezawa, 2015). However, this approach seems to fail in addressing the personal and professional development of the international students themselves, a concern often neglected by both policymakers and academics.

Many EMI students arrive in Japan without proficiency in Japanese, which significantly hampers their integration into local Japanese communities as English is rarely spoken in day-to-day interactions, and Japanese is essential for navigating basic life activities (eg. Zhao and Zhou, 2021; Miyoshi and Pan, 2019). They struggle to communicate with program administrators and support staff who have inadequate English proficiency. The issue extends into the postgraduation situation as well, where fluency in Japanese is not only a capital but a critical requirement for job seekers (Iwasaki, 2015). This is particularly true in the bunkei (humanities and social sciences), where both domestic firms and multinational corporations operating in Japan place a high premium on candidates with strong command of the Japanese language.

Therefore, in the internationalization process where English serves as the medium of instruction, multilingual international students engage with the local language in complex ways, with their language practices shaped by a range of sociolinguistic influences. To examine their identity construction and language practices, this study adopts the conceptual frameworks of investment and identity as well as legitimate peripheral participation.

2 Conceptual framework

2.1 Investment and identity

Investment is a sociological construct that complements the psychological notion of motivation raised by Peirce (1995). It refers to a learner's dedication to learning a second language, which entails their aspirations for the future, their envisioned identities, their enthusiasm for the language practices of the classroom or community, and the resulting improvement in language learning. Learners who “invest” in the target language do so with the expectation of gaining a greater range of symbolic and material resources, such as language, education, and friendship, as well as material resources including money, real estate and so forth (Peirce, 1995; Norton, 2001). As a result, investing in the target language is often an investment in the learner's complex and even conflicting social identity that changes across time and location.

Norton defines identity as “how a person understands his or her relationship to the world, how that relationship is structured across time and space, and how the person understands possibilities for the future” (Norton, 2013: 45). In addition to exchanging information with target language speakers, language learners are actively arranging and reorganizing a sense of who they are and how they contribute to the social environment while they make conversations.

Investment is important in language learning theory because it demonstrates the socially and historically formed link between language learner identity and learning commitment (Darvin and Norton, 2015). According to investment, language learning is influenced not only by learners' linguistic ability, but also by their social networks, cultural backgrounds, and beliefs and attitudes toward language learning. The model emphasizes the importance of understanding learners' investment in language learning practice in the given community and how this investment is shaped by factors such as access to language learning opportunities, social and cultural capital, and learners' identities and beliefs. While certain identification positions may limit and constrain learners' ability to listen, talk, read, and write, others may provide more chances for social connection and human agency (Norton and Toohey, 2011).

2.2 Legitimate peripheral participation

Lave and Wenger (1991) emphasize the importance of peripherality and legitimacy as essential for newcomers to actively participate in a Community of Practice (CoP). Peripherality, as defined by Wenger (1998: 100), refers to “an approximation of full participation that gives exposure to actual practice” which can be achieved through “special assistance” or “close supervision” (Samimy et al., 2011). With regard to peripherally, “there may well be no such simple thing as central participation in a community of practice” (Lave and Wenger, 1991: 35). It implies that participation within these communities can take many forms, with varying degrees of engagement and inclusion. Peripheral participation is about being located in the social world, yet it is not just about what participation is not, or has not yet become. It is also seen positively, contrasting sharply with concepts like unrelatedness or irrelevance to ongoing activities within the community (Lave and Wenger, 1991: 37).

Legitimate Peripheral Participation (LPP) is an initial form of membership characteristic of such a community. Acceptance by and interaction with acknowledged adept practitioners make learning legitimate and of value from the point of view of the apprentice (Lave and Wenger, 1991: 110). Through the perspective of legitimate peripheral participation, newcomers interact with old-timers who are the veterans in the CoP, become increasingly experienced in the practices that characterize that community, and gradually move toward fuller participation in that community. But newcomers must be granted enough legitimacy to be treated as potential members. If the participants are not regarded as legitimate by others or if they choose not to participate, peripheral participation will not begin at all. At the same time, identities are constructed in the common of practice by social interactions and social structures, social interactions here referring to both participation and non-participation. In the context of peripherality, a certain amount of non-participation is essential to facilitate a level of participation that is not complete. In this scenario, it is the element of participation that predominates, characterizing non-participation as a component that enables involvement.

3 Japanese in EMI environment

Internationalization by adopting English language is a challenge for both instructor and students in Japan (Bradford, 2012; Bradford and Brown, 2017; Aizawa and Rose, 2019; Aizawa and McKinley, 2020). The prevalence of limited English proficiency among both educators and learners results in EMI taking on a hybrid form, often incorporating code-switching and translanguaging with local languages. Rather than adhering strictly to English-only policies, EMI educators and students frequently rely on their L1 as a supportive tool to facilitate the teaching and comprehension of content in different ways (Chapple, 2015; Alkhudair, 2019; Hahl et al., 2016; Kim et al., 2017; Hu and Lei, 2014; Wang and Curdt-Christiansen, 2019; Tarnopolsky and Goodman, 2014). Language ideologies would influence identity, social participation, and engagement within this context (Sung, 2019, 2022), where native speakerism shapes both the expectations placed on learners and the ways in which Chinese students position themselves as Japanese speakers.

In Japan, as local teachers have a preference to use L1 Japanese, international students with barely any Japanese knowledge are forced to learn Japanese (Rakhshandehroo, 2017; Rakhshandehroo and Ivanova, 2020). Dieu's (2021) research from an individual level reported that nearly 17.74% of Vietnamese students are encountering problem of learning in both English and Japanese language. Japanese education toward EMI international students has become a crucial task and further research on Japanese use in EMI contexts is important. In a prior study conducted by Dang (2023), an investigation was carried out through a questionnaire distributed among 178 students enrolled in EMI programs in Japan. The findings from this survey indicated that approximately 85% of the respondents reported an enhancement in their Japanese proficiency. This evidence points to the efficacy of investigating Japanese in EMI environments. Kojima (2023) examined the motivation of students in a Japanese EMI program, focusing on both English (L2) and Japanese (L3). The study highlighted that while students typically enter EMI programs with strong English ability, their motivation to learn Japanese varies depending on social and academic contexts.

Among all the international students, Chinese students have been the largest group of international students, accounting for 44.9% in 2022, followed by Vietnamese students (16.2%) (Japan Student Services Organization, 2023). Considering the vast majority of Chinese students and the author's self-position as a Chinese EMI student, this research focuses on Chinese students whose first language is neither English nor Japanese—the primary languages used in their academic and daily lives. By examining their multilingual practices within EMI programs, this study seeks to reveal how they navigate the tensions between institutional language expectations and local communicative realities. Specifically, it addresses the following two research questions:

• How do Chinese international students in EMI programs engage with Japanese in their everyday academic and social lives?

• How do their Japanese language practices shape the identity within Japan's internationalized higher education context?

4 Research design

4.1 Participants

The research first employs a purposeful sampling strategy, wherein the author purposively selects participants considering both their demographic backgrounds and diverse experiences in learning the Japanese language. The aim is to ascertain whether these participants have significant and meaningful experiences relevant to the phenomenon being studied. To ensure the credibility of the results, participants differ in their majors, duration of stay in Japan, and Japanese language learning practices, as illustrated in Table 1. This study focuses exclusively on graduate students, as undergraduates' decisions to study Japanese are largely determined by institutional language policies—Japanese is a compulsory course and a graduation requirement in approximately 70% of undergraduate programs (Yanagisawa, 2021). Participants' English proficiency is generally high, as entry into EMI programs requires a solid command of English for non-native speakers (e.g., TOEFL ≥ 90 or IELTS ≥ 6.5). Therefore, individual English proficiency levels were not included in the participant diagram.

Table 1

Table 1. Background information of participants.

4.2 Data collection

The semi-structured interviews commenced on June 16, 2022, and involved a total of 21 participants, lasting over half a year. These participants were actively enrolled in the EMI programs or just finished at the time of the interviews. Each interview was designed to last between 45 to 60 min in Chinese, which is the mother language of both the researcher and participants. Interviews followed a semi-structured format with a set of guiding questions, but participants were encouraged to elaborate on their experiences in a way that felt natural to them. Due to the pandemic, all interviews were conducted online and recorded with the consent of the participants, allowing for accurate transcription and analysis of the data.

4.3 Data analysis

After collecting the data, first, the author transcribed the data and get familiar with it by reading the entire description of all accounts to get a sense of the whole statement. Then, the author went through the interview transcriptions and extract all significant statements and sentences that pertain directly to Japanese learning of EMI students and provide an understanding of how Chinese students experienced EMI, and that reflect the participants' identity in the community.

Upon deriving meanings from the collected data, the author proceeded to cluster these meanings into language-attitude–related themes, including: contradictions between English and Japanese, inconvenience of speaking Japanese, attitudes toward Japanese, legitimate code-switching, and attitudes toward learning an additional foreign language. These themes are reflective of the commonalities found across all participant accounts.

In the final stage, the draft of the fundamental structure statement was given back to selected participants for validation. Based on their feedback, the author went back and revised the earlier stages of the research process to ensure that the statement accurately encapsulates their experiences.

5 Findings

This section is designed to address the first research question: how do Chinese international students in EMI programs engage with Japanese in their everyday academic and social lives? The findings are presented from three perspectives: attitudes toward the Japanese language; attitudes toward Japanese culture, which underpin engagement with Japanese; and the positioning of Japanese within a multilingual repertoire.

5.1 Attitudes toward Japanese language

Findings reveal that even if Chinese students are generally successful English learners, they consider Japanese as the most difficult language. This type of challenge is typically omitted in English-speaking environments (Rose et al., 2023). Japanese grammar presented challenges for its perceived lack of systematic structure, and pronunciation, particularly the nuances of long and short vowels, was difficult, especially when typing. For S2, compared to English, where grammar seems to be systematic, Japanese posed a continuous challenge particularly with kanji-based vocabulary.

Extract 1:

S2: So, I feel that Japanese is much more difficult than English. In terms of grammar, it doesn't seem very systematic. Japanese pronunciation is hard to get right, especially when typing. For example, there are some long vowels and short vowels, and it's just a slight difference, making it challenging to type certain characters. I personally find Japanese to be especially difficult. In learning any language, I've never found anything as challenging as Japanese.

Linguistically, Japanese is considered to be complex with more formalities and honorifics deeply influenced by the Japanese culture while English is seen as more straightforward and less burdened by complex formalities, making it a practical choice for work-related communication, as S15 narrated in Extract 2. The perceived accessibility of English language diminished the motivation to use Japanese especially in the formal settings.

Extract 2:

S15: Also, I don't want to use honorifics (keigo) with customers or when meeting with the boss; it's so tedious. I feel like English is a language born for work; it doesn't have so many complex formalities.

Inside the language system, Japanese language has its own dialect, and the language is different in terms of the speakers. S15′s experience in Kyoto highlights another layer of complexity. Here, the local dialect and honorific language system, different from other regions, add to the challenge. The encounter with elderly locals speaking a mix of standard Japanese and Kansai dialect made S15 feel uncomfortable and hesitant to use Japanese, leading to a freeze in communication.

Extract 3:

S15: In Kyoto, the local elderly people have a different honorific language system compared to those from other regions. Their expressions and pronunciation can be peculiar. Additionally, when they speak, it's mixed with the Kansai dialect. This was the first encounter that made me feel uncomfortable, and I didn't want to use Japanese, so I just froze.

Similar to S15, some Chinese students find that communicating in Japanese generally takes more effort and time compared to English or Chinese. This is not just a matter of language proficiency but also reflects the nuances and cultural aspects embedded in the Japanese language.

When interacting with Japanese people who can speak English, both S2 and S6 prefer to use English. This choice stems from a concern about clarity and efficiency in communication. They worry that their Japanese might not be fluent enough to convey their thoughts accurately, potentially leading to misunderstandings or time wastage. In situations where time is a factor, they prefer to ask if it is okay to use English, likely to ensure that the interaction is as clear and effective as possible.

Extract 4:

S2: Because their service attitude is generally good, I feel it takes more effort. Communicating in Japanese is certainly not as quick as in English or Chinese, and it may extend the communication time. For example, a task that could be completed in 5 min might take 10 min.

Extract 5:

S6: If I encounter a Japanese person who can speak English, I will definitely choose to speak English instead of Japanese because I feel I may not convey myself clearly in Japanese, and it might end up wasting time.

5.2 Attitudes toward Japanese culture

Cultural backgrounds play a significant role in the complexity of communication, particularly in Japanese. In Japanese, much of the meaning is conveyed through indirect expressions, subtle nuances, and shared cultural assumptions, rather than being explicitly stated (e.g., Kubota, 1999). This reliance on implicit understanding can make communication feel intricate and layered, requiring a deep awareness of the social and cultural context in which the conversation takes place. As a result, speakers must often read between the lines to grasp the true intent of the message, especially in situations where ambiguity or uncertainty is present, which makes it even more “unfair” to use the local language (Curle et al., 2023). Especially for international students, they need to learn a word to grasp its linguistic meaning as well as cultural meaning. The multiple assumptions or unstated conditions inherent in Japanese conversations can create challenges for those who are not fully immersed in the culture, as they may struggle to interpret the full meaning or anticipate the unspoken expectations as stated by S9.

Extract 6:

S9: When dealing with more complex issues in communication, Japanese language is not as straightforward as a simple explanation of cause, process, and result. There might be five or six different assumptions or conditions involved, making understanding relatively challenging. Especially when the expressions in Japanese are somewhat ambiguous, or there's uncertainty about the feasibility of certain conditions.

In communication, S17 touches upon the issue of cultural expectations and assumptions. She mentioned that being Asian and speaking Japanese well might lead others to assume a deep understanding of Japanese culture. In this regard, speaking Japanese is inconvenient as it may increase impractical expectation from her interlocutors. When she fails to grasp certain cultural nuances, the response she receives might lack the patience or tolerance. This creates a dilemma where speaking Japanese well can inadvertently raise expectations regarding cultural comprehension and cause more trouble.

Extract 7:

S17: Especially since we Asians look no different from the Japanese. If I speak Japanese well or maybe not that well, it might give the impression that I understand their culture. If I miss certain nuances, they may not be as accommodating.

In social settings with friends, S17 regards speaking Japanese as a flexible, mutually beneficial exchange. When her friends lack proficiency in Japanese, she often steps in to provide language support, fostering a sense of cooperation and earning appreciation from her peers. In these informal interactions, speaking Japanese serves as a tool for convenience and social bonding, with minimal pressure to adhere to strict cultural norms. However, in professional environments such as a laboratory, S17 perceives speaking Japanese differently. She feels that using Japanese in such settings offers little personal or professional advantage and can even be limiting. Japanese culture places significant emphasis on hierarchical relationships, particularly in the workplace, where language reflects one's position within the social order. This requirement not only reinforces power dynamics but also imposes a rigid framework of behavior and communication that S17 finds constraining.

Extract 8:

S17: Speaking Japanese when going out with friends is based on my subjective willingness. I'm very willing to speak for the other person, and in return, it's like gaining a convenience for myself through a mutual exchange with friends. However, if I'm in the laboratory, speaking Japanese doesn't bring me much benefit. I would only be providing them with convenience and might end up being confined within their framework.

As a result, the complexity makes Chinese students unwilling to use the language. For example, S8 is comfortable speaking Japanese with teachers and professors but hesitant to write in it, fearing mistakes. He sometimes inadvertently uses casual language, which, while not severely frowned upon due to his foreigner status, is recognized as potentially inappropriate in formal contexts. This highlights the challenges of navigating the nuanced social and linguistic norms of Japanese.

Extract 9:

S8: I can speak Japanese with teachers and professors, but I'm hesitant to write in Japanese, and I'm especially afraid of making mistakes. Sometimes, when I'm not paying attention, I use casual language (タメ口) in Japanese.

However, the findings indicated that social norms have its benefits. S9 appreciates the cultural aspect of expressing gratitude in Japanese, finding that it enhances human relationships. He particularly values the practice of acknowledging past favors or help, even after a significant time has passed, seeing it as a positive aspect of Japanese communication.

Extract 10:

S9: I like the expression of gratitude in Japanese. It might not solely be due to the language itself but could also be influenced by cultural factors. When expressing gratitude, I feel like it makes human relationships more comfortable. For example, if someone has done something for me, even after a week or a month, when I see them again, I will bring it up as a way Japanese people do. So, in this type of situation, I might feel that speaking Japanese is acceptable and actually quite nice.

5.3 Multilingual experience

The experience of EMI Chinese students reflects a deep internal conflict between their English and Japanese selves, marked by changing attitudes and challenges in language learning. S11 had an aversion to learning Japanese initially, which he believed was affecting his English pronunciation. This indicates the challenges of multilingual learners and how L2 and L3 influence each in the language learning process.

Extract 11:

S11: I had a strong aversion to learning Japanese because I believe it has affected my English pronunciation… I thought that passing the exams would be enough. However, after spending a year in Japan, my attitude gradually changed.

S12 mentioned the experience of a mutual weakening in Japanese and English proficiency during intense semesters when both languages are used simultaneously. This phenomenon is common among bilingual individuals and can be related to cognitive load and language interference, resonating with the results in Dang (2023), where multilingual self is influenced by a certain language self. In Dang (2023), the emphasis on Japanese prevents individuals from using their multilingual ability and makes them doubt their multilingual self; on the other hand, the strong determination to maintain English ability also weakens the multilingual selves.

Extract 12:

S12: Learning Japanese and English simultaneously poses a challenge of mutual interference… I notice a significant weakening in my English proficiency during this period.

The language choice could also attribute to psychological reasons. S17's confidence in using English is significant, as she feels psychologically superior when speaking it with Japanese people, whose proficiency in English is generally lower. This contrasts with her experience of speaking Japanese, where concerns about correctness and potential corrections from native speakers create a sense of psychological discomfort and perceived inferiority.

Extract 13:

S17: When I use English, I find that the more I speak, the more confident I become. Because Japanese people's English is worse than mine, I actually feel like I'm in a psychologically superior position when I speak English. However, if I speak Japanese, I first consider whether my Japanese is correct. Moreover, if a Japanese person points out that my Japanese is incorrect, I feel more psychologically undermined, and I am in a lower position mentally.

And the individual chooses the language based on the linguistic abilities of their interlocutors. When communicating with friends who speak Chinese or English, they communicate in the same language. When encountering Japanese people who speak English, they still use English as they feel more confident and clearer in English, avoiding potential misunderstandings or time wastage when trying to speak Japanese.

Extract 14:

S6: I communicate in Chinese with my Chinese friends. When I go outside alone, I'll use Japanese. However, if I'm with friends, especially those who are better than me, they'll help with communication. For friends with English proficiency or those whose native language is English, I'll speak English. If I encounter Japanese people who speak English, I'll choose to speak English because I feel I might not be clear in Japanese, and it could waste time.

While S15 is open to communicating in Japanese, he is hesitant to work in a Japanese-speaking environment. He fears that working in Japanese could lead to a decline in his English proficiency, which he views as a crucial capital for his competitiveness, especially if he returns to China and pursue a career in the finance industry. The investment in a certain language (e.g., Darvin and Norton, 2015) involves the knowing that learners will acquire some symbolic capital (Bourdieu, 1991). While in the choice between Japanese and English, English is evidently superior in its English as a Lingua Franca status and its potential to transfer into other capital such as economic capital if the learner wants to work in a country outside Japan.

Extract 15:

S15: Additionally, I don't want to work using Japanese, which is a contradictory feeling. I want to communicate in Japanese, but I don't want to work in Japanese. Since I am an only child and I really like my home, I also don't want to be away for too long. I'm not prepared to live in Japan for the rest of my life; I will definitely return to my home country. If I work in Japan using Japanese, my English ability will surely decline, and then my core competitiveness will disappear. It's impossible for me to work in the finance industry without using English.

The assessment of a language's difficulty is influenced by the surrounding environment, which is particularly evident in the context of learning Japanese for someone proficient in English (Wang and Zheng, 2019). For instance, S2 has mastered English, but finds Japanese exceptionally challenging, possibly due to the immersive environment in Japan, where she has been exposed to more complex social factors that might hinder the sense of investment. On the other hand, being in a place where Japanese is predominantly spoken exposes the learner to its nuances and practical applications, thereby intensifying its perceived difficulty. For example, honorifics are easy to learn as grammatical rules, but using them appropriately in everyday interactions is complicated. Close contact with Japanese society therefore increases the perceived difficulty of the language.

Challenging a traditional view that learning a language in the circumstances where the language is the native language is helpful, S1 perceived learning Japanese is difficult in Japan. In China, when he started to learn, he thought Japanese simpler than English, attributing this to the presence of kanji and his relative proficiency compared to those around them. This perception shifted after moving to Japan, where interacting with native speakers highlighted the complexity of Japanese. S1 realized that his perception of a language's difficulty was influenced by the proficiency of those around them. The huge gap between the learner and old-timer is harmful for learners to build the confidence.

Extract 16:

S1: I used to think Japanese was quite simple, and I considered English to be more challenging. Because in Japanese, I had kanji to rely on. However, after living in Japan, I now find that the complexity of Japanese is higher than that of English. This is because, since coming to Japan, I communicate with natives, and facing native speakers. The main factor is that people around me in Japan are better at Japanese than I am, so I feel Japanese is difficult.

On the other hand, there is an acknowledgment of the importance of learning Japanese for living in the country. S20 feels that to avoid feeling disconnected or impaired in her daily interactions, a basic understanding of Japanese is essential. Otherwise, you will be “deaf” or “blind”.

Extract 17:

S20: I feel that if I want to live in this country, learning Japanese is a must. At least, I shouldn't be like a deaf or blind person, which would negatively impact my learning.

6 Discussion

This section is designed to address the second research question: how do their Japanese language practices shape the identity within Japan's internationalized higher education context? by examining identity from two angles: one through the lens of investment, and the other through the framework of LPP.

6.1 Japanese speaker instead of learner

The findings reveal that the complexity of Japanese extends far beyond linguistic form. As shown in Extract 2, speaking Japanese is tied to expectations about understanding and performing Japanese social norms. Similarly, for S9, expressions of gratitude toward language use are shaped not only by linguistic ability but also by cultural values embedded in communication. When participants position themselves as learners, this identity reduces psychological pressure and legitimizes making mistakes. However, when they begin to position themselves as speakers, they feel a stronger obligation to adhere to sociolinguistic norms, which in turn heightens their anxiety about correctness and appropriateness.

Chinese students' comprehension of the language's complexity is deeply rooted in cultural context, indicating that they identify themselves as a Japanese speaker in the context rather than merely learners in a classroom setting. This identity can create a paradoxical situation for students in EMI environment. On one hand, their competence in the language suggests they should engage confidently with native speakers. On the other hand, they may hesitate to do so due to a concern that native speakers might respond aggressively to errors, potentially out of a misplaced sense of linguistic purism or protectiveness over the ownership of the language. This concern can lead EMI students to avoid interactions with native speakers, limiting their opportunities for advanced language practice and cultural immersion that could refine their proficiency even further.

How learners identify themselves can greatly influence the learning experience. The goal of language education should be to cultivate intercultural speakers rather than native speakers (Byram, 2009), through which way the learners would feel more legitimate of using the language to realize intercultural communication. It allows even advanced learners to continue developing their language skills and to participate meaningfully in cross-cultural academic and social contexts without being constrained by native-speaker standards.

6.2 Legitimate code switcher and multilingual speaker

When interacting with peers of the same age, like Japanese classmates, S6 is more willing to speak in Japanese. However, the situation changes significantly when dealing with Japanese professors when she needs to be much more careful with her words, choosing to speak in English instead. This choice is driven by a concern for showing proper respect and avoiding misunderstandings due to her limited proficiency in Japanese. The use of English in such contexts serves as a safer, more respectful way to communicate. Adapting from LPP by Wenger (1998), this identity is described as “legitimate code switcher”.

Based on the findings, Chinese students tailor their language use to the multilingual situation. The identity of being a “legitimate code switcher” can indeed provide certain privileges, which is manifested in the form of greater acceptance and flexibility in using languages from their multilingual system, both in social and professional contexts. For instance, in academic settings or in interactions with professors or native Japanese speakers, the willingness of others to accommodate multilingual speakers can significantly reduce the pressure to learn Japanese and they are able to choose the language which they feel comfortable. This accommodation can range from allowing the use of English in formal presentations or emails to a more lenient attitude toward language mistakes.

Consequently, this flexibility and understanding can inadvertently lessen the motivation to learn Japanese. Knowing that they can reliably fall back on English without major repercussions or inconveniences, Chinese students might find less immediate need or incentive to invest considerable time and effort in mastering Japanese, especially when their proficiency in English suffices for most of their daily interactions and professional requirements. This dynamic illustrates how the identity as a multilingual speaker can influence the language learning journey of an additional language. Failing to acknowledge international students as multilingual individuals may lead to inequitable access to educational resources (Qiu et al., 2022).

7 Conclusion

This study investigates how Chinese international students in EMI programs in Japan engage with the local dominant language Japanese. By exploring students' everyday practices of using Japanese, the research aims to uncover their attitudes toward the language and examine the mechanisms through which their identities are constructed within Japan's model of internationalized higher education. Japanese is widely regarded as a linguistically and culturally complex language, deeply embedded in social norms and communicative conventions. For many Chinese students enrolled in EMI programs, their multilingual background positions them not merely as “language learners” but as “active users” of Japanese. Their attitudes toward Japanese use are often ambivalent: while they perceive cultural conformity as an opportunity for self-improvement, they also experience it as a source of constraint.

On the level of identity formation, these students continuously negotiate the dual nature of multilingualism—its affordances and its tensions. On one hand, their ability to shift flexibly across languages enables them to navigate different social contexts and sidestep the rigid formalities of professional Japanese when interacting with multilingual peers. On the other hand, such fluidity often places them in a liminal space of blurred identification, where they have a persistent feeling of social dislocation.

This complexity calls for a critical rethinking of language policy in EMI programs. Institutions must recognize the diverse needs of non-native English-speaking international students. Local Japanese students should be encouraged to adopt appropriate accommodation strategies to foster intercultural rapport, while universities must cultivate inclusive environments that enable respectful and meaningful cultural interactions (Nguyen, 2021; Nguyen and Hajek, 2024). International student mobility is a cornerstone of Japan's higher education internationalization strategy. However, as scholars have argued (Ota and Horiuchi, 2018; Edwards and Ashida, 2021), the policies and practices underpinning this strategy must be grounded in a deeper understanding of what “internationalization” truly entails. Such understanding should move beyond a narrow focus on English proficiency and instead attend to the multilingual and multidimensional identities of students as critical resources for building a genuinely global academic community. The current conflation of internationalization with “Anglicization” is inherently exclusionary (Bradford, 2019). EMI programs should be redesigned to transform students' linguistic and cultural diversity into pedagogical assets—by encouraging multilingual practices and creating dialogic spaces that foster cultural exchange. Only through such inclusive frameworks can the complexity of multilingual identities be adequately acknowledged and respected.

Data availability statement

The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/supplementary material, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.

Ethics statement

The studies involving humans were approved by Ethics Committee in Waseda University. The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. Written informed consent for participation in this study was provided by the participants' legal guardians/next of kin. Written informed consent was obtained from the individual(s) for the publication of any potentially identifiable images or data included in this article.

Author contributions

SD: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Resources, Software, Supervision, Validation, Visualization, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing.

Funding

The author(s) declared that financial support was not received for this work and/or its publication.

Conflict of interest

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Footnotes

1. ^MEXT: Higher Education in Japan https://www.mext.go.jp/en/policy/education/highered/index.htm Accessed on April 19, 2024.

References

Aizawa, I., and McKinley, J. (2020). “EMI challenges in Japan's internationalization of higher education,” in English-Medium Instruction and the Internationalization of Universities (Cham: Springer) 27–48.

Google Scholar

Aizawa, I., and Rose, H. (2019). An analysis of Japan's English as medium of instruction initiatives within higher education: the gap between meso-level policy and micro-level practice. High. Educ. 77, 1125–1142. doi: 10.1007/s10734-018-0323-5